Page 23 (my book)
As the historian Rene Remond says about 1940: “those who had never accepted 1789 finally took their revenge.”
This is a thorough examination of the Vichy regime which was, as the quote above says, an attempt to bring France back to conservative traditional values. . The motto “Work, Family, Country” replaced the revolutionary “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity”.
We are given the prelude to this. France suffered not only a tremendous loss of life during World War I, but also a drop in morale, leading to a disillusionment with democracy and liberalism.
Page 62-63
They were a political generation bereft of political anchors, able to pass from surrealism to communism, reformist socialism to fascism, radicalism to fascism, Action francaise to communism with intermediate stages on the way. They all shared a suspicion, even visceral rejection, of liberal democracy.
There was a rejection of democratic values with the ascendancy of communism and Nazism. There was a growing disenchantment with “professional politicians”.
Petain stepped into this void in June 1940 and made an armistice with Hitler.
This book is split into different topics, so it is not chronological. Vichy attempted a “National Revolution” to bring traditional French values that encompassed the land, xenophobia (particularly of Jews), family, anti-modernity… It was opposed to the so-called decadence and individualism of the Third Republic that supposedly led to the humiliation of 1940.
Page 250-51
When prefects listened to popular opinion [in the Vichy years], the loudest sounds they heard were not political slogans but rumbling stomachs. It undermined Petain’s claim that by signing the Armistice he had saved France from the deprivations of war; and it subverted Vichy’s rhetoric of moral unity.
There were many in France who collaborated in different ways, just like those who resisted. There was only a small number in France who made up an “army of resistance”.
France was essentially divided into two sections – Occupied France which included Paris – and unoccupied France (Vichy France) which used the small town of Vichy for its capital and whose leader was Marshall Petain. (This breakdown is somewhat simplified because the Atlantic coastal areas were another zone controlled by the German Army).
The resistance was different in both areas. In Vichy it had a strong political dimension because it opposed not only the Germans, but in a various ways the Vichy regime. In the occupation zone the Germans were the enemy. But this too is mis-leading because many French police in both zones worked hand-in-hand with the Germans.
The Vichy leaders (Petain, Laval, Darlan) started to lose credibility for a number of reasons. In November 1942 the German army moved into the Vichy zone when the Allies landed in North Africa. The Vichy regime was seen as impotent because it could do very little to oppose the round-up of French men for forced labour in Germany. Many of these men evaded the round-ups and joined the resistance – or they simply went into hiding.
This book points out the wide diversity of views and groups within France. There was no unified group of collaborators or resistors. There were several factions, each with regional differences as well.
The book discusses the many important figures – DeGaulle of course, Petain, Laval (who was tried and executed at wars end), Jean Moulin – and many different writers. The role of the communist party is brought up – which also reinforced collaboration as there were strong anti-communist parties in France. In fact, there was a fighting right-wing French force that were decimated on the German Eastern front.
Also the horrible and forced evacuation of Jews from all areas of France with the full cooperation of the French police is discussed.
Page 357 Elmar Michel - German civil servant in France
“To make the French authorities participate in the elimination of the Jews. In this way we shall make the French share responsibility for Aryanization and we shall have at our disposal the French administrative apparatus.”
By May 1944, over 40,000 Jewish enterprises had been placed in trusteeship, and of these three-quarters had been sold to “Aryans’.
The author has a strong penchant for name-dropping and the use of acronyms within the same paragraph. This, at times, makes the reading rather tedious.
But we are given an engrossing history of this bleak, difficult period of France. And the epilogue illustrates well how it continues to resound in present-day France.