"Before 1789 there was no such thing as a revolutionary. Nobody believed that an established order could be so comprehensively overthrown. But once it was shown to be possible, the history of France in the 1790s became the classic episode of modern history, whether as inspiration or warning, a model for all sides of what to do or what to avoid."
Very brief and interesting book about the French Revolution, viewed from the perspective of a British historian. William Doyle is the author of The Oxford History of the French Revolution and many other works. The book starts mainly from the Seven Years War and the consequences it bequeathed to Louis XV treasure. The conundrum of public deficit would extend until the reign of Louis XVI, but it seemed unsolvable. Jacques Necker was summoned to organize public finances for three times, along with Turgot, Calonne and Brienne (in different periods). Due to disagreements with the nobility and the clergy, the idea emerged, by Necker's proposal, of calling the États Généraux, which were not assembled since 1614. The Revolution began when the Third State decided to form a National Assembly in 1789.
The book brings many interesting details of the period, which are not mentioned in the many poorly written works about the French Revolution available in Brazil. I was very delighted to read the author's perspective. According to him, the Revolution was no innovation for its time, since the Thirteen Colonies had proclaimed their independence in 1776 and the British had overthrown absolutism in 1688, by the same principles (rights of men against tyranny and arbitrariness). There were only seven prisoners by the time of the storming of Bastille (July 14, 1789), so they had to state that the destruction of the "symbol of tyranny" was more of a symbolic act than anything else. After Louis XVI moved from Versailles to Paris, the Palais was never inhabited again, neither by Napoleon, nor Louis-Philippe. Doyle seems to view the French Revolution for what it was: instead of re-managing the monarchy who brought glory to France for more than a hundreds of years, the revolutionaries sought to destroy everything (even themselves). Few years after they proclaimed universal principles of fraternity, equality and liberty, the Terror (1793) was already out of control and the beheadings were full-throttle with the Comité De Salut Public. The bloodshed was contained only by the establishment of the Directory (1795), which, later, as a result of the Coup of 18–19 Brumaire along with Sieyès, brought about the advent of the young general Napoleon as First Consul (1799) and, then, as Emperor of France (1804). "Everybody recognised how much the vengeful demands of the sansculottes had done to precipitate terror a year later, so that when, after it ended, the Convention produced the constitution of 1795 it deliberately set out to exclude even more people from public life than in 1791."
Even the philosophers of the Enlightenment, from whom the Revolutionaries based their ideals, could not conceive the direction the movement was taking: "Robespierre, as proud a disciple as any of the Enlightenment, declares: 'Political writers... had in no way foreseen this Revolution.' They had expected a reform, if it came at all, would occur gradually and piecemeal, and would be the work of enlighten authoritarians rather than elected representatives. In these circumstances, the sort of headlong, comprehensive change undertaken by the revolutionaries was exhilarating." What the author concedes as the triumph of the Enlightenment, and I have to agree with him, is that nothing was sacred anymore; all power and institutions were now provisional, accepted only as long as they could be justified in terms of rationality and utility.
Babeuf's conspiracy of equals, which tried to overthrow the Directory in 1796, would serve as an inspiration to many socialist movements thereafter, including the Paris Commune of 1871, after French defeat at the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871). These ideals would continue to crash with the established regimes throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Seeing the decay of communist regimes around the World, historian François Turet proclaimed in his essay of 1978 that "The French Revolution is finished".
The book has some interesting facts that I didn't know beforehand. Peerage was banished (1790) and, after fructidor (1797), nobles were made aliens and denied their rights as French citizens. An indemnity was only granted to the late émigrés in 1825 under Charles X. The generals who succeeded Napoleon in 1798 dissolved the papal states and proclaimed a secular Roman Republic (short-lived) and carried the pontiff Pius VI to France, where he died in August 1799. Many thought, then, that is was the end of papacy itself. The difference between "left and right" originated in the French Revolution. "(...) proponents of further change tended in successive assemblies to sit on the left of the president's chair, while conservatives congregated in its right. The right, in fact modern political conservatism, was as much a creation of the French Revolution as all the things it opposed."
I have to acknowledge, though, one good aspect of the Revolution, which was the abolition of corporation privileges and monopolies (August Decrees, 1789); organisations and trade guilds (Allarde Law, 1789); artisans primitive trade unions (Le Chapelier Law, 1791).
Many will praise the long lasting ideals bequeathed by the Revolution, but the ones who have more than two nerve cells working will recognise that the same privileges still exist in every other existent Republic nowadays, despite the change in nomenclature, with the difference that those who bear them now did nothing prior to their nation to deserve the privilege. It depicts perfectly the Orwellian maxim: "All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others". Napoleon himself, who had revived many of the institutions that the Revolution destroyed, used to see them as mere recognition of political realities. Even "Tocqueville saw the Revolution as the advent of democracy and equality but not of liberty. Napoleon and his nephew, whom this aristocrat of old stock hated, had shown how dictatorship could be established with democratic support, since the Revolution had swept away all the institutions which, in impeding the relentless growth of state power, had kept the spirit of liberty alive."
The last chapter presents an interesting conclusion. "The heaviest blows, however, were not delivered by scholarly revisionists or post-revisionists. They came from the spectacular collapse of Soviet Communism, and the repressive attempts of its Chinese variant, just a few weeks before 14 July 1989, to shore up its authority against students calling for liberty and singing the Marseillaise."