If uninspired to much more, The Big Three In Economics is a university level summation of major economists. Instead of taking a scientific approach that dictates which views are correct (i.e Horowitz and now Stieglitz), Skousen deals with the differing schools of economics, and only briefly asserts which view holds most weight. He puts the major three—Smith, Marx, and Keynes—into a progressive timeline.
Basically:
(Smith) the economic market is in constant progression to perfection, eliminating defects and imperfections (surrogate world leader: Alexander Hamilton)
(Marx) the economic market is in a constant progression into oppression of the masses and must be replaced by a communal system (surrogate world leader: Stalin)
(Keynes) the economic market is indifferent, and must be shaped by outside governing bodies to keep it in a constant progression in either direction (surrogate world leader: FDR and Reagan)
Also basically:
Smith was correct in establishing basic capitalism, but incorrect in asserting that the market would always work for the good of its masses
Marx was correct in understanding that capitalism has defects that produce slavery, wage slavery, disturbing poverty, inflation, deflation, and the modern human capital markets to exploit labor, but incorrect that communal forms of government reduce real human hardship and oppression (i.e., the Soviet Union in macrocosm, and Jonestown in microcosm)
Keynes was correct in his belief that government can influence the economy (i.e. the Depression being caused by the Federal Reserve lowering interest rates), but also defective, as his views that the government running a deficit to create a welfare system as a temporary measure would stay temporary, or reduce real human oppression
This means:
Smith’s lasting legacy is that his “invisible hand” capitalist society decreased working hours and increased wages and freedom—but didn’t curtail what Keynes later called “involuntary unemployment”
Marx’s lasting legacy is the failure of the Soviet Union and his influence on Keynes
And Keynes’s lasting legacy was his hybridization of government and the economy, which worked out well for some generations (Truman through Kennedy), and disastrously for others (namely 2008 on); Keynes also created his own rival in Milton Friedman, who advocated the hybridization of the market and government in the opposite that Keynes did: where government works for business, as opposed to the public, which created corporate welfare in the same sense that Keynes created welfare for the poor (i.e. the Detroit bailouts)
This brings economists to modern times, 2008, Stieglitz, and the World Bank:
Do any of the three work in the modern framework of:
(1) America now being a service and capital (banking) economy instead of a goods economy?
(2) the prevalence of an interconnected world market that uses American capital as the stabilizing point for other currencies and foreign governments?
(3) the acceptance of hybrid government-economies being reliant on socialized economies that in turn don't produce enough capital to sustain themselves (i.e. the modern Nordic countries often sourced in the modern pro-socialist movement) and borrow endlessly from American capital to sustain themselves, even as the United States has difficulty sustaining its own capital (i.e. 2008)? In other words, in a modern America propped up on interest returns from hybrid socialist countries that endlessly borrow and can't repay their own principals, much less their interest?
(4) Duel welfare systems that support both non-working poor, and also prop up failed business?
(5) inequality between classes that has become akin to that of a past century British economy (namely due to points 3 and 4)?
(6) the Euro, Brexit, China-America gross product relations, the World Bank, and the economically unstable socialist countries becoming major world forces?
In his memoir on the financial crisis, former Secretary of the Treasury Tim Geithner argues that his reaction to 2008 was the opposite of Mellon’s during the Depression. He refused Smith (letting the market recover organically) and Marx (there were no mass socialized payments for the struggling American population), and only somewhat embraced Keynes (the largest bailout in history is government action to be sure, but he never advocated for major policy changes to stabilize markets in the years after the crash). Geithner, in a very real way, rejected the work of the most important economists. And during the crisis, his structure not only held, but survived. This wasn’t an economic system to replace those of peacetime; it was a reactionary measure to a crisis, and can only be seen as such. Also, the recovery process after 2008 has left the world economy with thousands of defects, but in a small way, Geithner still made it clear that rejecting old solutions to new problems is a viable option, and perhaps the only option.
In opposite, Stieglitz, a modern day rebuttal to Friedman, and a key figure in the creation of the World Bank, is the most outspoken of the modern economists. He argues for a continuation of Keynes that would include not only welfare for the poor, but also a Marx-ish (though not Marxist) redistribution of wealth. This seems to be the policy stance of most "progressive" politicians, and is quite popular among many voting constituencies. It is also, unfortunately, as simple minded of a solution as one would expect from an economist working through modern data with ideas that are nearly a century old.
Economics sits aside health and governance as one of the most dictating factors of a person’s life. Freedom is filtered through one’s economic status, and that dictates their actions and interactions from birth to death. As important as a nation’s (and world’s) economy is then, I find it disturbing that the basis for our modern economic structure rests in arguments as weak as those presented by the “big three”. At best, all three contributed framework for a stable economy, but none answered for an economy’s defects in a way that has lasted beyond that economists own immediate generation. Smith still haunts modern corporate America, but he doesn’t understand why it progressed so poorly (2008 being the biggest blow to his body of work yet). Marx still echoes through rhetoric of socialist politicians, but he would be disturbed to see the duel welfare states propping up both poor and rich, while the working class labors under similar problems that he advocated against. Keynes, with his belief that markets are indifferent, would inevitably find modern America fascinating: namely because he created it through FDR and Reagan. Still, Keynes realized at the time of his own death in 1946 that there was little else he could do to shape the world. He was intellectually bankrupted by the Depression, WWII, and FDR. Like Smith, had he lived to see 2008, his own faith in his life work would likely have collapsed entirely.
The main point that can be taken from a study of the past two centuries of major economists is this: they were products of their times, and an answer to the problems of their times. The world can be changed, and it changed constantly, but only by original ideas. It is unfortunate to hear modern economists and their surrogate politicians argue for policy that only somewhat worked a hundred years ago, isn't working now, and is even less likely to work in the future. (In economics, as with medical science, old answers rarely make new advancements.) There is likely to be no direct answers in antiquated pre-WWII forms of government and economics. The "big three" only found their status as such because they answered the questions of their times with new answers, not old ones. They built off their predecessors, but their concepts were original to their times and their worlds. If there is hope for a post-2008 economy that is as interconnected as ours, that hope won't be in looking to the past, but to using the past as inspiration for originality.