This was a great read, but by no means an easy one. While its style is convenient for laypeople like myself, its information is so dense, especially for someone who had limited prior information about the subject matter, except in relation to local North African kingdoms in the ancient period, I had to give myself enough time to absorb it slowly, and sometimes rewrite some paragraphs or ideas in my own way, as I contributed to relevant pages on Wikipedia.
The subject of this book is not only Phoenicians, but also the concepts of "nation" and "identity", especially "collective identity", both "emic" and "etic" (internal and external), and its methodology has wider applicability than just the people known as "Phoenicians". Its relevance is also not limited to the field of history and archaeology, but also to culture and politics, both in the West and in the MENA region, where "Phoenicianism" has been used and exploited, at various periods, to assert certain political claims or deny them, and to lend legitimacy to particular nationalist myths in different regions, sometimes in ways diametrically opposed to each other.
The author starts and concludes the book, with the claims made by Irish and English nationalists to "Phoenician" origins, whether through ancestry or through putative cultural influence. For the English/British nationalists, France played the role of Rome, while the British were often compared to the Phoenicians, both being "nations" of traders and seafarers. In Ireland, "Rome" was oppressive Britain, and the Irish were the Carthaginians, some going as far as to claim that the Irish language had origins in the Phoenician language or that the Irish were descendants of Phoenicians. These discussions and other ones, contributed to the formation of European national identities, even though eventually the Phoenicians played no part in them, especially with the rise of anti-semitism in the 19th century. They also laid the foundation for what Josephine Quinn and other scholars today consider a misguided common perception of Phoenicians as a "nation" or a "people".
I must note here, before any misunderstanding occurs, that Quinn is by no means claiming that "Phoenicians" did not exist, that they did not have, at least partial origins in the Levant, or that they did not have the cultural and political influence attributed to them. Her statement concerns only self-identification by "Phoenicians" of themselves as such, i.e. whether they were a "nation" and a "people" in the modern sense of these words, as is often claimed. She also carefully often uses the term "Phoenician-speakers" instead of "Phoenicians", to highlight the fact that regardless of how they identified themselves and were identified by others, the only thing we can say for certain is that they spoke the language, and shared some cultural attributes. Myths about ancestral origins can after all be constructed to suit various political and personal agendas. DNA testing has also given no clear evidence of a common "race" of Phoenicians, despite several studies on the subject.
The parallels Quinn laid out in the first and last chapters of the book (between British and Irish nationalist myths), are no doubt targetted at its primary audience, that is native English speakers in Britain, Ireland and the US, who would be quite familiar, or could easily be familiarized, with the characters and events involved. A somewhat similar parallel could have been made between Phoenicianism in North Africa vs in the Levant. While "Phoenician nationalism", among some Levantine intellectuals and laypeople, is used to assert the non-Arabness of the Levant, the same ideology is instrumentalized in North Africa, especially in Tunisia and Algeria to emphasize the exact opposite, i.e. the Arabness of those who make the claim to Phoenician ancestry or even of the whole region. A phrase like "the Arab Phoenicians" to them is not an oxymoron.
The chapters in between serve to expound on Quinn's argument that the concept of "nation" and "collective identity" should not be taken for granted, especially in the ancient world. Collective identities, before the modern era, are actually the exception rather than the norm, and the fact that we live today in a world dominated by nation-states, should not mislead us into projecting this conception in ancient contexts, and dividing ancient peoples into neatly defind nations, each with self-aware common imagination and intents.
The argument here therefore is not that "Phoenicians are definitely not a nation", but rather that we cannot assume that they were a nation, based on flimsy proof, more so when available epigraphic and literary evidence tends to point to the exact opposite. Both abroad and locally, when "Phoenicians" identified themselves in their language, they never used a collective term, "Phoenician" or otherwise, but rather identified themselves by their city, their family or their trade. "Phoenician" was certainly a category and an external identity in the Greek mindspace, and the word itself "phoinix" is Greek. That, in fact, is where the misconception started, retaken by Romans, and then by Europeans who have inherited the legacy of the Ancient Greeks and Romans, when it died out elsewhere in the Mediterranean. This is also not to say that "Phoenicians" in the classical Phoenician period (up to the destruction of Carthage in 146 BC) were not aware of this Greek term and the meaning behind it, but they do not seem to have mirrored it in their culture or language or self-identity, rather exploited it for narrow political gains, which highlighted the role or power of a particular "Phoenician" city as opposed to another, rather than a collective identity shared by all "Phoenicians". An example of this is when Carthage started minting coins with palm trees on them (one of the meanings of "phoinix" in Greek is "palm tree") in the 4th century BC, in Carthage-controlled Sicily where Greek was spoken, to highlight its power in the Mediterranean. No doubt mercenaries who fought for Carthage had to be reminded which authority had paid them, and the wider the coins of Carthage circulated, the wider its might was asserted. There's no evidence of this happening at any earlier point. This habit of using the palm tree as a symbol for Phoenicity or Punicity, was retaken over many centuries until the end of Antiquity, but again, it was never used in a Levantine or North African context to represent a collective identity, but rather to assert the claim of a particular city (for example Tyre or Sidon in Lebanon) as being the "mother city" (metropolis) from which "Phoenician" settlements abroad originated, for the narrow purpose of claiming higher prestige, and receiving better status within a Roman context.
Furthermore, quite to the detriment of modern Phoenician nationalists, the terms"Phoenician" and "Punic" have evolved over time, and were often applied in different ways to different peoples, sometimes outside of the areas of "classical Phoenicia". They were also not exclusive terms, and did not preclude self-identification with a different ethnicity. Even European nationalists were mostly aware of this, and Phoenicianism in Europe was often used, to explain either partial and specific characteristics, or to highlight the multitude of peoples and nations within Europe or within a specific nation (e.g. Britain), as a consequence of the "Phoenicians" themselves being a "multitude of nations". In MENA on the other hand, Phoenicianism takes a more fanatic and rigid form, and its instrumentalization is meant to exclude rather than include. In the Levant, the purpose is to deny and exclude Arabness, in North Africa to deny and exclude Amazighness (aka Berberness). "Phoenicians" therefore are painted as an exclusive "superior race" that harbors and brings civilization, as opposed to "savage Bedouin Arabs" (in the Levant) or "savage Berbers" (in North Africa). In the later case, the Amazigh (aka Berber people) are supposed to be "grateful" to the "Arab Phoenicians" who brought them civilization not only once, but twice.
As a summary, we can trace the evolution of the meaning of "Phoenician", according to Quinn, as follows:
- Circa 1500 BC: the word "ponikijo" is attested in Mycennean Greek inscriptions, its meaning is "purple dye" or "palm tree", but it does not seem to refer to an ethnicity or a people.
- Classical Greek period (up to the 6-5th century BC): the term "Phoenician" is used by Greek authors to refer to some sea people, but its meaning is somewhat vague and does not seem to apply exclusively to some Levantine people or their descendants. The only meaning that can be agreed upon is that it refers to people whose livelihood is tied to the sea, but whose mother tongue is non-Greek.
- Carthaginian Empire (up to 146 BC): the terms "Phoenician" (phoinix, poenus) and "Punic" (punicus) are now specifically applied to Carthaginians and Phoenician speakers, who form a connected network of coastal cities, using the Phoenician language, sharing similar or overlapping traditions, rituals and gods. The connections were sometimes tight, and sometimes loose, with some "Phoenician" cities doing basically their own thing.
- Roman period: Carthage is destroyed in 146 BC, but rather than extinguish its flame, this only leads to the spread of its language and traditions to regions it had hitherto never reached. In the Levant, this was due to the new popularity of Phoenicianism, which led to some cities like Emesa (Homs, Syria) to be identified as Phoenician, even though they were never part of "classical Phoenicia". The Romans also establish the province of Syria Phoenice at some point, making "Phoenicia" an actual, rather than mere conceptual, territory for the first time. In North Africa, as a form of resistance to Romanization and Roman rule, the use of Punic language and Punic rituals and temples spreads to new areas. It is possible that by late Antiquity, Amazigh languages in the Northernmost parts of North Africa were on the brink of extinction, with the dual Latinization and Punification of tongues, though they (the Amazigh languages) were revived again with the incursions of Amazigh people from the Sahara. Most importantly, self-identification as Punic did not exclude other local identities. Saint Augustine namely identified himself as both Numidian and Punic.
There's a lot still that can be written about this book, which is rich in information, ideas and questions. I do wish Josephine Quinn had further explored the manifestations of Phoenicianism in MENA, though I imagine that would have been an extra effort, that would not have necessarily interested her main target audience.