This book was published in 1894, and while there has been a great deal of additional scholarship since then, it remains one of the best single volume treatments of Germany between the 400s and the 1200s. Its writing is surprisingly modern, and it is easy to read. Many books of that era inherited the verbose style of the Victorians, who seemed to operate on the principle of why use one word when you can use ten.
It is also history written in the top-down style that was popular for centuries. It focuses on kings, princes, and popes, and there is almost nothing about the common people who suffered and died at the hands of the nobles. The book repeatedly mentions invasions of territory and “devastating” the land, without pausing to remind the reader that this meant rape, pillage, murder, and likely starvation for the survivors. Readers who want a more modern perspective on the consequences of war in this era should consider Barbara Tuchman’s A Distant Mirror: The Calamitous 14th Century or Paul Collins’s The Birth of the West: Rome, Germany, France, and the Creation of Europe in the Tenth Century.
The book’s emphasis is on statecraft, the alliances, deals, negotiations and betrayals that shaped the history of the times. This was before the rights of succession as we know them were in place, where the crown automatically passes to one of the monarch’s children, and then to others in the bloodline if there are no direct heirs. Germany at this time was part of the Holy Roman Empire, and kings were elected by the great noble houses, who were usually jealous of each other, and often outright enemies.
Battles and campaigns are mentioned, but only in reference to their effects on political and strategic concerns, and it was a bit surprising to me to see great events get such short shrift. For instance, the Battle of Bouvines in 1214 is covered in only a few sentences even though it was a key event in shaping modern Europe. Had the Germans won France as we know it would not have existed.
Across the centuries a pattern emerged and was repeated time and again: the king died, several powerful men staked their claims to the crown, and often two were elected by different factions. Each of them then entered into negotiations to sway uncommitted princes and dukes through cash payments, grants of crown lands, or lucrative perks such as being allowed to mint their own money. One of these would gain an advantage and the other would submit or war would follow. Battles would be fought, castles and towns taken, and eventually the loser would yield or flee. The new king would then reward his followers, negotiate with the increasingly aggressive and assertive Church, hold assemblies and publish laws. He also had his knights to deal with, and while they were usually given some land and peasants to farm it, the real riches were from plunder, so there were armies to be raised and foreign territory to invade. When the king died, and many of them died young, the entire process would repeat.
After Charlemagne’s death in 814, his empire was split up among his sons, then split again and again among successive generations, many constantly at war with one another. Germany had shrunk to a series of independent duchies before strong kings emerged and vast territories were incorporated into the kingdom. At its height Germany would stretch from the Baltic to the Balkans, and from Poland to Sicily (the Wikipedia entry for Kingdom of Germany has a map showing it in the tenth century).
The Catholic church had shaken off fealty to Constantinople and was emerging from its own dark ages, where popes had long been pawns of the various Roman robber baron families, created and discarded as needed. As stronger men were elected to the position the Church began to consolidate its power and assert itself as the final authority over all the kingdoms of the earth.
In Germany the king once had the unquestioned authority to appoint bishops and archbishops, but gradually this changed into approving the appointments decided by the prelates, and then to surrendering this power altogether and accepting the Church’s selections. The Pope was not slow to use excommunication when his will was thwarted, which extended not only to the king and his court but to any church that continued to support him. Popes used this ban so extensively that it eventually came to be seen as just an inconvenience, of use mostly to rebels who sought to add the Church’s endorsement to support their claims.
The Church comes across as high handed and imperious, often shortsightedly shifting alliances in whatever scheme would temporarily advance its claims against the secular powers in Italy, Germany, or France. However, it should be remembered that civilization in Europe was under assault and in danger of collapse during much of the Middle Ages: Vikings attacked from the north and west, Magyars and Slavs from the east, and Saracens from the south. It was the sinews of the Church that held Europe together, keeping literacy and the memory of Greece and Rome alive. It bound the people and the nations with a common religion which, as the Crusades showed, could be mobilized for mighty undertakings. The kings and princes would have squabbled away the world for their own petty advantages, and it was the Church that kept the flame of civilization alive until the Renaissance brought better days.
The book ends with the final destruction of the house of kings, which would lead to Germany becoming a jumble of independent entities for six hundred years. When Prussia united it in 1871 Germany by then comprised 39 states, 10 episcopal cities ruled by bishops, and four independent imperial cities.
For those with an interest in this time period, or those intrigued by the political machinations of crowns and games of thrones, this is an informative, well written book that will not disappoint the reader.