David Cannadine's Victorious Century is a dense, flawed political history of Victorian Britain spanning from the Act of Union with Ireland to the Liberal Party's large electoral victory in 1906. The book is a the most recent entry in Penguin's History of Britain series. Cannadine's book showcases Victorian Britain as a country that was able to take advantage of certain natural resources, geopolitical turmoil and competitive economic circumstances to control vast portions of the globe on a limited budget and operate largely without a grand imperial design. Similar to several of the entries in Penguin's History of Europe series, Cannadine's book is built around a chronological/thematic hybrid that unfortunately does not always work.
Part of the reason is that the book is at times feels resolutely old-fashioned in its methodology. This is a "history from above" which spends pages detailing the minutiae of various governments and political figures, including party leaders and colonial secretaries. Most of the viewpoints Cannadine's book accrues of the classes below the aristocracy are largely reflected from the perspective of those in charge: landowners, aristocrats, monarchs and other elites. It is thus a book that for long stretches is short on analysis of social and economic conditions and long on the efforts of politicians to remedy societal concerns using piecemeal strategies.
While the book has been rightly praised for its level of detail, I have to completely agree with the criticisms of one of its biggest critics, the esteemed historian Richard J. Evans, who has chided the book for its lack of analytical study in favour of a myriad of encyclopedic facts about laws and lawmakers, which fail to provide a rich insight into what life was truly like in Victorian Britain. Consequently, the figures Cannadine wants to elevate end up feeling remarkably flat. And unlike Evans' Pursuit of Power and Tim Blanning's Pursuit of Glory (in Penguin's Europe series) the historical method employed by Cannadine does not appear robust enough to incorporate the type of socio-cultural insights that are largely de rigeur in recent single volume overviews of a specific period.
Consequently, in the midst of Cannadine's voluminous assessments of political chicanery, much of the period's socio-economic and cultural details are lost. For example, it is remarkable for a book that covers a period in which Britain's economic strength was markedly increased by the advent of modern industrialization, there is surprisingly very little insight into the conditions that allowed this to occur beyond sheer geographical luck. The overlapping roles of technology and science in this development are insufficiently touched upon, despite the importance stressed on them in other recent historical texts (i.e. Sven Beckert's Empire of Cotton) that cover the Victorian period.
Although Cannadine acknowledges that British manufacturers were among the worst educated in western Europe, there is little to explain how they were able to adequately harness the resources at their disposal to develop influential new technologies, transportation networks and systems of operation. There is almost no references to how the upheaval of industrialization or colonization outside of Britain affected the environment or living conditions. Additionally, the daily lives of the working classes and ordinary women are largely ignored.
Cannadine notes that church attendance had begun to decline in the mid-19th century and yet surprisingly for a period known for its conservative moralizing, issues of gender and social behaviour are often absent from the text. In the book's final chapter, prior to the epilogue, Cannadine attempts to squeeze many of these forgotten aspects into the last pages in a rather rushed effort. As Evans has noted Cannadine's application of demographic data also appears to be askew.
Although Cannadine often presents Britain's colonial and domestic policies as being haphazard at best and lacking in a grand design, "Victorious Century" works best when Cannadine primarily focuses on thematic aspects centered around how Britain was able to exploit its fortunate circumstances . This results in Britain having numerous advantages compared to its continental peers: the lack of need for a costly, large standing army to thwart invasion, the fragmentation of Europe following the Napoleonic Wars prior to the advent of nationalism, the development of an exceptional navy to protect far-flung territories and control trade, the ability to use colonial armies funded by non-British entities, and Britain's fortuitous access to low-cost water and carbon energy products necessary for the application of steam engines, gas lighting, steamships and machine propulsion.
While Cannadine does not go into great detail, he appears to infer that Britain potentially avoided much of the socio-political disruption occurring on the continent in part due to its (limited)
system of democracy and its (then current and former) English-speaking settler colonies (i.e. Canada, New Zealand, Australia, the U.S.) acting as a safety valve to release tension by enabling disaffected parties and undesirables to leave Britain via emigration or transportation.
Cannadine astutely emphasizes the manner in which Britain essentially privatized and subcontracted portions of its colonial apparatuses through a haphazard and incoherent colonial policy Cannadine terms "empire on the cheap." Consequently, what he presents is a country that reluctantly became a large imperial power: one that began to annex territory that has been acquired by private companies or individuals which had verged on collapse and thus required state support to maintain economic and political influence. Cannadine also skillfully weaves in the notion that Britain's late 19th century colonial acquisitions during the Long Depression, were less about prestige, and more about the fear of missing out on future economic spoils.
The highpoint of the era for Cannadine may as well be the period around the Great Exhibition at Crystal Palace, which blends the themes of imperial wealth, industrial might and global prestige. Despite Britain's ability to produce vast quantities of cheap manufactured exports for global markets well into the late 19th century, Britain's rather complacent approach results in its increasing loss of global influence. Cannadine patiently presents this incremental decline in a strong manner as he entwines a number of factors including the rise of German and American manufacturing rivals, the increasing sums spent on colonial investments and security arrangements (despite a decline in trade and political influence) and other countries calling Britain's bluff on the nature of its power and force.
In spite of its flaws, Cannadine's book will probably remain the contemporaneous single volume standard for some time on the period. Despite its sometimes plodding nature, it is well written and it is at times astutely executed. Nevertheless, this is a work that would greatly benefit from incorporating a more analytical lens, particularly of social, economic and cultural matters that affected both Britain and its imperial territories. Buried beneath the voluminous passages of facts, there is a more interesting work here that routinely pokes through. That book seems to portray Victorian Britain as a land blessed by geographical fortune and luck for the first half of the century, but ultimately undone by its laissez-faire attitude towards its responsibilities and an exaggerated opinion of its own strength by the time the 20th century had begun
3.5/5