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224 pages, Paperback
Published January 15, 2017
One young (23 year old) zari worker from Cheetah Camp named Abdullah was writing a letter to a friend in Kuwait, telling him about the birth of his child. He died as he wrote. The police burst into his room and dragged him out. Two policemen held him while a third shot at him. He tried to crawl back into his hut, but the police prevented him by locking the door of his hut. They left him in a drain where Abdullah died.The police did this, mind you.
The police watched as the well armed and angry crowd went to attack Muslims and their homes. There was no attempt to stop them. On the other hand, the police did fire – but mainly at Muslim crowds. On February 28, in Ahmedabad, the police killed forty people – all Muslims – in police firing at Morarji Chowk and Charodia Chowk. By the third week of May 2002, of the one hundred and five people killed by police firing, seventy-five were Muslims.The division of Gujarat on religious lines had started long back: Teesta talks about the signs she had seen while visiting the state, in people’s attitudes and the slow ghettoisation of Muslims. (I have personal experience of this. Our company had a regional office in Vadodara, and we stayed in official accommodation provided in a Muslim area, as the rent was cheap! Being Keralites, our largely non-Muslim workforce had no problem living in the predominantly Muslim neighbourhood.) She recounts a conversation with a Gujarati gentleman in a train:
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It is chilling that for seven to eight hours a whole locality was actually enjoying a massacre. When you have women and men celebrating the persistent hounding and killing, including the daylight rapes of the young girls and women, it is reflective of the public space before and after the macabre violence.
He was gleeful at the growing popularity of the aggressive and violent organizations that owed their allegiance to the ideology of Hindutva and the Hindu Rashtra. They have removed the fear within the Gujarati to fight and kill, to take to violence. That is good’, he said. He was referring to the unashamed espousal of and use of arms and violence against the imputed ‘minority enemy’, the Other of Gujarat.How this growing hostility was used by the Hindu Right in Gujarat is instructive. First fill the powder keg, keep it ready to light – then provide the spark. This time-tested fascist formula was used to great effect.
A senior minister in Modi’s cabinet, Suresh Mehta (who has been chief minister of Gujarat for a year) testified to the fact that Modi, seated next to him in the Gujarat state assembly when the Godhra train burning was discussed, had a look of satisfaction on his face. ‘Now the Hindus will awake’, was the remark made by him.Of course, the people brave enough to testify against Modi were victimised, and those who supported him were showered with laurels – so that the voices of protest remained meek.
In all, we have so far fought as many as 68 cases right from the trial court up to the Supreme Court. As many as 150 convictions have been achieved (of which one hundred and thirty-seven resulted in life imprisonment at the special sessions court stage. In October 2016, the Gujarat High Court acquitted 14 of those earlier convictions in the Sardarpura case, bringing the total number of those convicted to life imprisonment to 123).Those who have been following these cases know how the administration and even the judiciary tried to stymie the people who fought for justice. It is the general impression that the SIT absolved the state administration of all charges – sycophants of Modi had termed these investigations witch hunts. However, Teesta sticks by her statements that the Gujarat CM had said that ‘Hindu reaction was to be expected and this must not be curtailed or controlled’ and instructed the police to allow ‘people to vent their frustration and not come in the way of the Hindu backlash’. Even though the SIT disagreed (and how partisan the hearings were, even during the terms of UPA rule, would really have one grinding one’s teeth), the amicus curiea agreed with the CJP contentions.
After one year, the SIT submitted its report holding that while many of the allegations in the complaint were true, they were not prosecutable. The amicus curiae in this case, Raju Ramachandran, begged to differ: in a sensational finding in his report dated 25 July 2011 he wrote that there was enough material to prosecute Narendra Modi.Then why the reluctance? Well, when it comes to acting against those in power, for the subaltern people, it seems that all governments are in cahoots. The upper-class, upper-caste, majoritarian ethos which permeates all the arms of our polity apparently call the shots.
There is a lesson to be learned in the struggle for justice. The system that loves the status quo tolerates interventions up to a point, but appears to fall short of delivering radical, real or substantive justice. The system engages with the survivors and defenders in the early years, but a shakeup of the status quo demands an exceptional judicial mind. If survivors and defenders labour on, for decades (15 years as we have done), if we try and take it beyond the small fry offenders, somehow, the system – to keep us in check – makes us pay.Yes, indeed they tried to make her pay – she has been running from pillar to post to battle the frivolous cases against her. It seems that the Gujarat government just wants to get her into custody so that the long arm of the “law” can have its way with her. So far, she has survived.
The struggle for justice has become multiple things. It is to speak truth to power regardless of the consequences. It is to fight the good fight even when others tire. It is to relentlessly pursue, gather and cull through evidence while protecting my own back. The entire process has been exhausting. I have to look over my shoulder at every turn. I know that my mobile phone is tapped, my emails are being tracked. The police and other agencies of an increasingly desperate government are on my back. To battle the perverted demon that lurks behind narrow religious-based nationalism, that justifies well-choreographed mutilation and killing, let alone rape, is to lay yourself open both literally and figuratively to all means and manner of attack. It is to make yourself vulnerable and threatened.However, Teesta is not giving up. And as a concerned citizen of India, I hope this “foot soldier” continues her struggle.