1991: How P. V. Narasimha Rao Made History

by Sanjaya Baru

P. V. Narasimha Rao (or PV as he was popularly known) has been widely praised for enabling the economic reforms that transformed the country in 1991. From the vantage point of his long personal and professional association with the former prime minister, bestselling author Sanjaya Baru shows how PV’s impact on the nation’s fortunes went way beyond the economy.

This book is an insider’s account of the politics, economics and geopolitics that combined to make 1991 a turning point for India. The period preceding that year was a difficult one for India: economically, due to the balance of payments crisis; politically, with Rajiv Gandhi’s politics of opportunism and cynicism taking the country to the brink; and globally, with the collapse of the Soviet Union, its ally.It was in this period that the unheralded PV assumed leadership of the Indian National Congress, took charge of the central government, restored political stability, pushed through significant economic reforms and steered India through the uncharted waters of a post-Cold War world. He also revolutionized national politics, and his own Congress party, by charting a new political course, thereby proving that there could be life beyond the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty.

1991 marked the end of an era and the beginning of another. It was the year that made PV. And it was the year PV made history.

Genres: Politics, History, Nonfiction, India, Biography, Economics, Audiobook

216 pages, Hardcover

First published September 26, 2016

About the author

Sanjaya Baru is an Indian political commentator and policy analyst, currently serving as Director for Geo-Economics and Strategy at the International Institute of Strategic Studies. Previously he had served as associate editor at The Economic Times and The Times of India, and then chief editor at Business Standard. His father B. P. R. Vithal served as Finance and Planning Secretary during former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's stint as Secretary of Finance. Before he became a journalist, he was a member of Communist Party of India (Marxist) when he was a student at University of Hyderabad. He became Manmohan Singh's media advisor and chief spokesperson, a role in which he served from May 2004 until August 2008. In April 2014, Penguin India published The Accidental Prime Minister, Baru's tell-all memoir about his time at the Prime Minister's Office (PMO). In it, Baru alleges that the prime minister was completely subservient to Congress President Sonia Gandhi, who wielded significant influence in the running of the Singh administration, including the PMO itself. The book has sparked off a controversy, with the PMO officially denouncing it as "fiction". Baru, however, has said that he set out to show an empathetic portrait of the prime minister.

(from Wikipedia)

Reviews

[Venky · Rating 5 out of 5]

Reticent, muted and with a ubiquitous pout, Pamulaparthi Venkata Narasimha Rao was the impeccable Machiavelli of Indian politics. At seventy, and with a monk-hood to boot, Mr. Rao was all set to retire and pursue a life of contemplation, when he was catapulted into the eye of a terrible storm. On the 1st of August 1990, one of the world’s premier credit rating agencies, the New York-headquartered Moody’s, placed India on ‘credit watch for possible downgrading’ because, as it explained, ‘political conditions in India have weakened since our initial rating assignment [in 1987]’. Moody’s perceived India as being bogged down by two types of ‘risks.’ One, a shot term liquidity crunch. This risk signaled a short-term liquidity crunch that would leave the nation unable to finance its external imbalance and forcing it to undertake a sharp balance of payments adjustment. The second risk, lay in the fact that the proposed measures to achieve the balance of payments adjustment in the short-term would disrupt the process of structural change, jeopardizing political support for efforts to improve India’s international competitive position, in the medium term. The proverbial straw that broke the camels back however came in the form of the resignation of Chandra Shekhar, the Prime Minister forming part of a minority Government formed with the support of the Congress. Chandra Shekhar who seemed to have had enough of the leader of the Congress Party and former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s repeated threats to pull the rug from under Chandra Shekhar’s feet. A hasty election and a horrendous assassination later, Mr. Narasimha Rao, amidst the most trying of economic and political circumstances, found himself at the highest helm of the nation’s affairs.

Sanjaya Baru, a political commentator and policy analyst, served as Secretary General of the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI), prior to which, he was Director for Geo-Economics and Strategy at the International Institute of Strategic Studies. However, he is known for his proximity to former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, in his capacity as the media advisor and chief spokesperson (PMO) from May 2004 until August 2008. A journalist and author of formidable mettle, Mr. Baru was also associated in various capacities with the Economic Times. Times of India, Business Standard. In “1991”, Mr. Baru deftly crafts the story of one man’s political astuteness, social acumen and economic alacrity that not only led India to stave off what might have been the most disastrous of all economic crisis, but also, in doing so, laid the path for a stupendous growth and development that is still continuing.

Following the ghastly assassination of Rajiv Gandhi and some deft political maneuvering by his supporters, a polyglot with a voracious reading appetite, Mr. Narasimha Rao (or PV as Mr. Baru chooses to address him throughout his book), was elected as India’s ninth Prime Minister. However, as alluded to in the preceding paragraphs, the adverse circumstances of the time ensured that his stint at the top would, by no stretch of imagination be a breeze. Due to years of mismanagement and myopic polices courtesy Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, “the current account deficit (CAD), that is the sum of the deficit in foreign trade and in capital flows as a share of national income, went up from -1.7 per cent of GDP in 1980-85 to -2.9 per cent in 1985-90. The total external debt trebled from US$20.6 billion in 1980-81 to US$64.4 billion in 1989-90, with the share of external debt in national income going up from 17.7 per cent to 24.5 per cent during that period. In all this, the share of private debt kept rising as the government liberalized external commercial borrowing and allowed Indian companies to borrow abroad. The key factor contributing to the sharp rise in CAD during the 1980s was a steep increase in imports—especially defense imports—and in external commercial borrowings of the private sector. After hovering below 3 per cent for a long time, the share of defense spending in national income went up to 3.6 per cent in 1986-87 and 1987-88, with most of this increased spending financing increased defense imports.”

Twenty metric tonnes of confiscated gold, worth US$200 million, had to be made available by the Reserve Bank of India to the State Bank of India for sale, with a repurchase option, to the Union Bank of Switzerland. This was the first time India was selling gold to avoid default and to ensure that its external payment obligations were met. “Both the Bank of England and the Bank of Japan demanded the actual shipment of gold to their vaults. It would not just be a paper settlement. Gold bars of acceptable quality had to be airlifted and sent out. “

Rao’s cutting-edge political acumen came to the fore immediately after assuming office in the form of his appointments of credible personnel to various portfolios of importance. J. N. Dixit, one of India’s most gifted and extraordinarily talented diplomats was made foreign secretary in December 1991. A seasoned China-hand, Shyam Saran, assumed office as joint secretary, while a bright young diplomat, Ramu Damodaran, assumed office as PV’s personal secretary. “PV also counted on Ronen Sen, Rajiv Gandhi’s closest diplomatic aide and someone who was au fait with Rajiv’s key initiatives with the US, China, USSR and Pakistan.” However, when it came to the crucial and unenviable role of Finance Minister, the man who would subsequently go on to craft the watershed policy that liberalized India from the shackles of Nehruvian socialism, Dr. Manmohan Singh, was surprisingly not the first choice of PV. Post deliberations with his good friend and former Governor of Tamil Nadu, P.C.Alexander, PV homed in on Dr Indraprasad Gordhanbhai Patel. “IG” as he was known fondly to those well acquainted with him, Patel came with a stellar reputation attached to him. After a stint with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Patel was made the Governor of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) in 1977 by the then Prime Minister Morarji Desai. “Soft-spoken, dapper and with an interest in the arts and music, IG was a renaissance man. He related with equal ease to fellow economists, civil service colleagues and politicians of all hues. Despite his long years in government he retained an academic’s curiosity and easy way of dealing with younger people. As director of the Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad(IIM-A; 1982-84) and later as director of the London School of Economics and Political Science (1984-90), IG was very popular with his students.”

However, when IG refused to take up PV on his offer, the call went out to the soft-spoken Dr. Manmohan Singh to assume control of the Finance Ministry. PV also gave Mr. Singh a free hand to assemble his team. The result was a dazzling array of intellect and intuitive abilities. Montek Singh Ahluwalia was brought in as Secretary, economic affairs, and Ashok Desai as Chief economic consultant. The team included a roster of capable IAS Officers of the likes of K.P.Geethakrishnan, Y.V. Reddy, N.K.Singh, D. Subbarao, Valluri Narayan and V. Govindarajan. Y.V. Reddy and D. Subba Rao, of course would go on to be known as Central Bank Governors.

A soft-spoken external demeanour that made PV look like a reluctant mendicant, belied a will power that was cast in iron. The man neither had time for fools nor was inclined to tolerate political shenanigans and chicanery. His ability to deal a strong hand when the situation warranted – but without losing even a shred of composure in the process – was legion. “In July 1992, Commerce Minister Chidambaram, one of the ministers Rajiv first drafted into government, offered to quit following allegations of financial impropriety on his part in a matter pertaining to the ownership of shares in Fairgrowth Financial Services, a Bangalore-based company charged with involvement in a stock market scam. Chidambaram believed he had done nothing wrong and was being politically targeted. He publicly offered to resign at a press conference. He had hoped that the prime minister would reject his offer and ask him to continue. This would have vindicated him. Most Congress MPs regarded Chidambaram as uppity and arrogant. That is partly a reflection of his demeanour. Tall and good looking, whether in his starched white veshti and crisp shirt or in jeans and T-shirt, Chidambaram wears his brilliance on his sleeve. He assumed the prime minister would turn his offer down. PV was, however, very annoyed with Chidambaram. How could a minister go public with a resignation tendered in response to allegations of misconduct and then expect the prime minister to reject it, thereby giving him a clean chit? What did PV owe Chidambaram? Nothing. So, the prime minister promptly accepted the minister’s resignation. Chidambaram was stunned. More than a message to Chidambaram, it was a message to all his Cabinet colleagues—that they should not take the prime minister for granted.”

A similar fate befell Civil Aviation Minister, Madhav Rao Scindia, who made a capital show of resigning his post owning moral responsibility for a tawdry handling of events by the Delhi Airport, following a crash-landing of an Uzbekistan Airways flight in 1993. Not one to put up with either pettiness or petulance, the no-nonsense PV, put the Maharajah of Gwalior and a Gandhi backer to utter embarrassment by accepting the resignation.

Even where PV harboured doubts about the instituting of policy he deferred to the wisdom of the experts – in spite of his reservations – if he could be convinced of the plan’s efficacy or outcome. A classic case in point – the devaluation of the Indian Rupee. “On 1 July, the rupee was devalued by around 9 per cent and on 3 July there was a further devaluation by around 11 per cent, with the adjustment working out to a 17.38 per cent devaluation. The rupee slipped from Rs 17.9 to a US dollar to Rs 24.5. By the end of 1992 it was approximately Rs 31 to a dollar and remained. The entire exercise was dubbed ‘hop, skip and jump’ by Singh and Rangarajan. It was a game the two played in secrecy. But while Singh had secured the prime minister’s authorization, PV developed cold feet after the first step, on 1 July. Devaluation was a bad word in Indian politics. PV would have known of the 1966 devaluation episode and how Indira Gandhi had been criticized for it…. So, when PV’s critics attacked the government for the first step devaluation, the prime minister advised the finance minister to hold back the second step. But Singh, who was familiar with the 1966 episode (the economists who handled it were all his mentors or friends—K. N. Raj, I. G. Patel, D. R. Gadgil, Jagdish Bhagwati, P. N. Dhar and Manu Shroff), decided that if the second step was not taken as planned it might never be taken. ‘The first step was to test the waters,’ Manmohan Singh recently revealed. ‘So, although there was opposition to the move, it was manageable. So, I said that by July 3 [1991], we must complete the full thing. C. Rangarajan was the Deputy Governor [of RBI]… Prime Minister Narasimha Rao had doubts over the second instalment of the exchange rate adjustment and told me, in fact, to stop it. But when I called up Rangarajan, he said that he had already shot the goal.’ Once the two-step action was taken, government spokespersons moved fast to assure the markets that there would be no further devaluation. The rupee had found its warranted level. The markets stabilized.”

P.V.Narasimha Rao led the first non-Nehru-Gandhi Government that ran a full term since the beginning of the Indian Independence in 1947. He transformed Indian politics from a family run feudal proprietary denomination into an open, transparent and meritocratic level playing field. This he did by juxtaposing diplomacy with determination. “The Nehru-Gandhi family retainers and cronies, the nondescript men and women who acquired power and wealth doing the family’s bidding, were in fact doing a disservice to the Congress by repeatedly emphasizing the primacy of the family in the party. This was the way smaller, regional, sectarian and caste-based parties were run, with political power passing from one generation to the next.” However, such an exemplary achievement came at a heavy price. PV was abhorred by his own party following the completion of his tenure. While Dr. Manmohan Singh went on to finish two turbulent terms as a Prime Minister, PV’s legacy was relegated to the confines of a silent history. The ugliness of fractal allegiances and party politics shone it its most ugly form, when following his demise, “the party shut the gates of its headquarters and refused to bid official farewell to a former president. His crime: seeking to end the proprietary control of the INC by the Nehru-Gandhi family. PV died on 23 December 2004. In the decade since then the only Congress leader who has regularly and religiously paid tribute and honoured PV’s memory on the occasion of his birth anniversary has been Manmohan Singh— the man whose political career was made by PV. But even Manmohan Singh was unable to honour PV with a Bharat Ratna during his decade-long tenure as prime minister. The party had again become a proprietorship.”

The fact that the man who in a single swell swoop, liberated the second most populous nation from the draconian vice like grip of a license-permit-quota Raj, is yet to be bestowed upon with the Bharat Ratna, speaks a lot about the credibility, colour and cadence of Indian politics. Once when PV was asked, perhaps, in a jocular vein, about who between PV and Dr. Manmohan Singh ought to be credited for India’s swing in fortunes, replied in his inimitable poke faced fashion, “‘A finance minister is like the numeral zero. Its power depends on the number you place in front of it. The success of a finance minister depends on the support of the prime minister.”

The Zero in 1990 represented just that power. It required PV to alter the 9 preceding it and the rest, as the cliched saying goes, was history.

[Ashok Krishna · Rating 4 out of 5]

1991!

It was a watershed year in the history of India, as well as of the world. Chaos prevailed both inside and outside India. At the beginning of the year, the country on her West, Iraq, was brought to its knees by America and its allies, on a six-month long war to free Kuwait. This brought a deep strain on the pockets by raising the price of oil. On her East, USSR, one of her own long-term allies, was teetering on a period of political uncertainty. And, this caused a lot of trouble to the exports, which mainly depended on USSR. The situation at home was not much heartwarming either. Two prime-ministers came and went in what can reasonably termed ‘quick succession’. There was no political certainty in the country.

What was even more alarming was the balance-of-payments crisis, with India having the foreign exchange reserves that could afford for only two-week’s worth of imports. Even if India had decided to curb all the other imports and spend the scarce reserves only on crucial commodities of food and oil, this situation would only have worsened. With the credit rating of the country suffering a serious blow, raising credit in the global markets was becoming next to impossible. There was the ignominy of having pledged gold with the banks of Europe and Japan to raise foreign-exchange. IMF was acting like a big brother advising India to mend her ways and show some financial prudence.

There were two options ahead of India – either to become a defaulter, lose credibility and creditworthiness for a long, long time to come OR to implement some tough but timely measures to steady the ship. In a populous country like India, implementing any idea or policy that is going to usher in changes, especially some bitter ones, was never going to be easy. But the cat HAD to be belled.

The unfortunate assassination of Rajiv Gandhi won for Congress a mandate that was barely enough to claim the right to rule the country for the next five years. Amidst all that uncertainty arose an unlikely hero – P.V.Narasimha Rao. This diminutive persona proved himself worthy by overcoming all those challenges. Apart from recruiting Dr.Manmohan Singh, who went on to become the Prime Minister himself, and giving him a free hand to implement the necessary changes in the country’s fiscal policy, Rao did also open up the Indian industry by doing away with all the cobwebs of ‘License Raj’. Also, at a time when the Congressmen were en masse falling at the feet of Nehru’s descendants, Rao gave hope by proving that in the ranks of Congress were capable leaders that could still hold their own when it came to leading the country.

But, there are quite some ironies in the tale of this memorable Prime Minister. Though a polyglot, who could converse in nearly two dozen languages, he was known more for his silence than for his eloquence. A man that was secular and sensible, it was under his regime that the shameful demolition of Babri Masjid took place, though he had played a vital role during the struggles against the Hyderabad Nizam in the 1940s. Though he had achieved many things in the five years with his minority government, the credit for many of his good initiatives went to his successors. Whether he deserves a Bharat Ratna or not is a topic worthy of debate and decision.

About the book, well, Sanjaya Baru has done an amazing work with his research and writing. Many of the books that I have read about History and Economy have all sounded so dry and dull. But this book feels more like a political thriller than like a work of non-fiction. The fluent style of Sanjaya Baru, reinforced by his impartial assessment of the prevailing scenario of that time, makes for interesting reading, though occasionally one gets the feeling that he tries to depict Narasimha Rao as a man without any faults. Baru makes up for it by not pulling any punches when it comes to criticizing the dynastic behavior of the current descendants of the Nehru clan.

This is a book that extensively recounts the economic and political changes in India during 1991. Changes that turned the tide in India’s favor and placed her on the path of economic progress. Changes that were brought about by an unsung hero that went from being respected to reviled in a life full of ironies.

[Sriram Venugopal · Rating 5 out of 5]

An excellent book on how PVR overcame the dynasty politics and thru his astute political acumen, completed a 5 year term, the first non dynasty person to do so in Independent India. The book explains how Indira and Rajiv pushed the country to the brink of economic disaster through their failed socialism and license raj where we had to sell gold to pay off external commitments in 1991. How PVR made history with the economic reforms and how that could have been done by Chandrasekhar before him if Rajiv had the nation's interest in mind rather than the power.

[S.Ach · Rating 3 out of 5]

PV Narasimha Rao was probably one of the most under-rated Prime Ministers of India.
Under his rule two major events happened that changed India forever - the 1991 economic-reform, for which he is given a lot of credit along with his main architect Dr. Manmohan Singh and the Babri Masjid demolition, for which he is completely ignored (The ardent fans of BJP do know the role he played there).
But, lest we forget, he was also famous for one more thing with absolutely no recognition- he was the original trend setter of duck face… long before it became a thing for selfies? Ha Ha…Was just kidding.

Now, coming to this book - If you are expecting a discourse on Economics discussing the pre- and post- reform situation in India and the detailed analysis on the impact of the much needed reform et al, you will be disappointed as I was.
This book discusses the political milieu around that time in India, especially electoral and power politics, and reads like a disgruntled insider's tell-all rant with lots of name-droppings.
It is not exactly a wastage of time, but you won't come out much better informed.

[Anil Swarup · Rating 3 out of 5]

From "Accidental Prime " to the Prime Minister who made history. This is the transition that the author has made as he travels back in time to outline the cataclysmic events, political, economic and diplomatic, that marked the tenure of Narsimha Rao. The author, on this occasion condescends to credit the then Prime Minster with heralding a new era in Indian economy and polity. There are no diatribes as was the case with the "accidental" Prime Minister whom he served a decade and half later. The assessment of Rao appears to be objective and without a bias as he credits Rao with "creating the political climate in which they (recommendations) could be implemented".
There are indeed some interesting observations by Sanjaya Baru that deserve a special mention. Many would agree with his comment about Chidambaram wearing "his brilliance on his sleeve" and about economists who "think themselves as modern day prophets and saviors"

[Soul longings · Rating 3 out of 5]

It is important to know the history of our country as it helps us to learn so many lessons and also gives us strength.
Congress party and its cronies in media have wiped out completely the important contributions of P. V. Narsimha Rao in shaping the economy of our country by his Intelligence, courage, guile and vision. It was quiet a challenge to manouver the ship from troubled waters with a minority government. This book details that period and the challenges faced by PV. A very Interesting account though the book becomes a bit dry and drags in some chapters.

[Hrishikesh · Rating 3 out of 5]

Sitapati's account is much better.

[Varadharajan · Rating 4 out of 5]

Some of the impressive things about PV:
1. First non-Gandhi, south Indian Congressman to take charge as PM
2. Wading the Indian economy through the most tumultuous global period both politically and economically
3. Changing the trajectory of the Indian economic story, which we are all reaping the benefits of now

He was indeed a forgotten hero, I loved reading this, and more people should know more about what he has contributed.

[Aditya Kulkarni · Rating 4 out of 5]

A good book which deals with how PV Narasimha Rao in his term as Prime Minister of India made history back in 1991 when India opened its economy to the world, paving the way for liberalisation. It was incredible that Prime Minister Rao's term saw such a tectonic shift in India especially considering the fact that the Rao government was a minority one in nature. The unnecessary bureaucratic red tape had prevented India from growing to its full potential in the 1980s and the misadventure with Nehruvian and later Indira's socialist policies, added on by lack of vision on the part of Prime Ministers before Rao ensured that India was in serious trouble in 1991 when the balance of payments crisis threatened to destroy our economy. To understand the significance of 1991 and the economic reforms initiated by Prime Minister Rao, let me quote the author of this book here

Within the span of a year PV showed that the Indian economy and polity could dream of normal times, of better times; that India would enter the twenty-first century as an open society, an open economy and a normal democratic polity. India was no banana republic in which one family would rule. India was not a closed economy in which bureaucratic socialism would crush free enterprise. India could now aspire to be like many other democracies—a nation built on meritocracy and individual enterprise in which feudal privilege would no longer give anyone an advantage at birth.

However, to understand the legendary PV in a better and a detailed manner, I highly recommend that you read Vinay Sitapati's book Half Lion: How PV Narasimha Rao Transformed India .

[Prashanth Bhat · Rating 5 out of 5]

ಪಿವಿಎನ್ ಪರ್ವಕಾಲದ ಪುರುಷೋತ್ತಮ - ಮೂಲ ಸಂಜಯ್ ಬರೂ, ಅನುವಾದ - ಬಿ.ಎಸ್.ಜಯಪ್ರಕಾಶ ನಾರಾಯಣ.

ಕೆಲವೆಲ್ಲ ಸಂಗತಿಗಳ ಕುರಿತಾದ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ನಮಗೆ ಅಷ್ಟಾಗಿ ಪರಿಚಯವಿರುವುದಿಲ್ಲ. ನಮ್ಮ ದೇಶದ ಅಧಃಪತನಕ್ಕೆ ಒಂದು ಕುಟುಂಬ ಕಾರಣ ಎಂದಾಗಲೀ, ವಂಶಾಡಳಿತ ಯಾಕೆ ಕೆಟ್ಟದು ಎಂದಾಗಲೀ, 1991ರ ನಂತರ ಭಾರತ ಬದಲಾಯಿತು ಎಂದಾಗಲೀ ಬೀಸು ಹೇಳಿಕೆ ಕೊಟ್ಟು ಬಿಡುತ್ತೇವೆ‌. ಎದುರಿದ್ದವ " ಬಾ ಮಾರಾಯ ಕೂತ್ಕೋ ಅದು ಹೇಗೆ ವಿವರಿಸು " ಅಂತ ಕೇಳಿದರೆ ಕಕ್ಕಾಬಿಕ್ಕಿಯಾಗುತ್ತೇವೆ. ಅದಕ್ಕೆ ಇಂತಹ ಗತದ ಕುರಿತ ನಿಖರ ಮಾಹಿತಿ ಅತ್ಯಗತ್ಯ.
ನಮ್ಮ ಇಲ್ಲಿಯವರೆಗಿನ ದುರದೃಷ್ಟಕರಕ್ಕೆ ಇಂತಹ ಘಟನೆಗಳ ಕುರಿತಾದ ಪುಸ್ತಕಗಳು ಕನ್ನಡಕ್ಕೆ ಬಂದದ್ದು ಕಡಿಮೆ.
ಇಂಗ್ಲೀಷ್ ಕಷ್ಟದ ಭಾಷೆಯಾದ ಹಲವರಿಗೆ ನಮ್ಮ ಭಾಷೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸರಿಯಾದ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಓದುವ ಅವಕಾಶ ಇಂತಹ ಪುಸ್ತಕಗಳು ಮಾಡಿಕೊಡುತ್ತವೆ.

1991 ಭಾರತದ ಇತಿಹಾಸದಲ್ಲಿ ಪರ್ವಕಾಲದ ವರ್ಷ. ರಾಜೀವ್ ಗಾಂಧಿಯವರು ಹತ್ಯೆಗೀಡಾದ ಬಳಿಕ ಭಾರತದ ಚುಕ್ಕಾಣಿ ಹಿಡಿದವರು ಮುತ್ಸದಿ ಪಿವಿ ನರಸಿಂಹರಾವ್ . ಆ ಕಾಲದ ತುರ್ತು ಮತ್ತವರು ಅದನ್ನು ನಿಭಾಯಿಸಿದ ಬಗೆಯೇ ಈ ಪುಸ್ತಕದ ಸರಕು.

ಈಗ ಹಾಗಾಯಿತಲ್ಲ ಅವತ್ತು ಆ ನಿರ್ಧಾರ ಬದಲಾಯಿಸಿದ್ದರೆ ಹೇಗೇಗೋ ಆಗುತ್ತಿತ್ತು ಎನ್ನುವವರು ಆ ಕಾಲದ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆಗಳು ಏನಿತ್ತು ಇಂತಹ ನಿರ್ಧಾರ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲು ಇದ್ದ ಅವಶ್ಯಕತೆ ಇಂತಹದ್ದನ್ನೆಲ್ಲ ಅರಿಯಲು ಓದಲೇಬೇಕಾದ ಪುಸ್ತಕ.
ನೆಹರೂ, ಇಂದಿರಾ, ರಾಜೀವ್ ಅಧಿಕಾರವಧಿಯ ಧನಾತ್ಮಕ ನಕಾರಾತ್ಮಕ ಅಂಶಗಳು, ತಾನು ಮುಂದಿನ ಪ್ರಧಾನಿ ಎಂದು ಭಾವಿಸಿ ನಿರಾಶೆಗೊಳಗಾದ ಪ್ರಣಬ್ ಮುಖರ್ಜಿ, ಚಂದ್ರಶೇಖರ್ ಅಧಿಕಾರವಧಿಯ ತೊಂದರೆಗಳು, ಬ್ಲಾಕ್‌ಮೇಲ್ ರಾಜಕಾರಣ, ಎರಡು ಅವಧಿಯ ಪ್ರಧಾನಿ ಮನಮೋಹನ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಹಣಕಾಸು ಮಂತ್ರಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದಾಗ ಕೈಗೊಂಡ ನಿರ್ಧಾರಗಳ ಹಿಂದಿದ್ದ ಶಕ್ತಿ ಇವೆಲ್ಲವನ್ನೂ ಬಹಳ ಚೆನ್ನಾಗಿ ಈ ಪುಸ್ತಕ ತೆರೆದಿಡುತ್ತದೆ.

ಕನ್ನಡಕ್ಕೆ ಒಳ್ಳೆಯ ಪುಸ್ತಕ ಬಂದಾಗಲೂ ಅದನ್ನು ಬರಮಾಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳದ,ಓದದ ಓದುಗ ವರ್ಗ ಇರುವ ಕಾರಣವೇ ಕನ್ನಡ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ಹೊಸ ಎತ್ತರಗಳ ತಲುಪಲು ಕೊರತೆಯಾಗಿ ಕಾಡುತ್ತದೆ.

1991 ವರ್ಷ ನಮ್ಮ ಈಗಿನ ಹಲ ಸ್ಥಿತ್ಯಂತರಗಳಿಗೆ ಕಾರಣವಾದ ವರ್ಷ. ಏಕೆ ಮತ್ತು ಹೇಗೆ ಎಂದು ತಿಳಿಯಲು ಈ ಪುಸ್ತಕ ಮಾಹಿತಿ ಒದಗಿಸುತ್ತದೆ‌‌.

ಪ್ರತಿಗಳಿಗೆ 9844192952 ಸಂಪರ್ಕಿಸಿ.
ಸಮನ್ವಿತ ಪ್ರಕಾಶನ ಹೊರತಂದಿರುವ ಈ ಪುಸ್ತಕ ನೀವು ಓದಬೇಕಾದ್ದು.

[Midhun kc · Rating 4 out of 5]

Expectations shape outcomes in a world of uncertainty. Expectations about the economy end up being self-fulfilling prophecies. If you expect tomorrow to be better than today, you take economic decisions that ensure that tomorrow is indeed better. If, on the other hand, one believes the future to be bleaker than the present, one ends up taking decisions and making choices that contribute to a less than satisfactory outcome.

[Visweswaran Chidambaram · Rating 4 out of 5]

Good narration of economic liberalisation and the history that led to it.

P.V - a forgotten hero!!

[Amith Kamath · Rating 5 out of 5]

ಕೃತಿ:ಪರ್ವಕಾಲದ ಪುರುಷೋತ್ತಮ

ಇಂಗ್ಲಿಷ್ ಮೂಲ:ಸಂಜಯ ಬರೂ

ಕನ್ನಡ ಅನುವಾದ:ಬಿ.ಎಸ್.ಜಯಪ್ರಕಾಶ ನಾರಾಯಣ

ಪ್ರಕಾಶಕರು:ಸಮನ್ವಿತ,ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು


ಮೊದಲಿಗೆ ಕೃತಿಯ ಅನುವಾದಕರಿಗೆ ಅಭಿನಂದನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಬೇಕು. ನಾನು ಇದುವರೆಗೆ ಓದಿರುವ ಅನುವಾದಿತ ಕೃತಿಗಳ ಪೈಕಿ ನಿಸ್ಸಂದೇಹವಾಗಿ ಇದು ಅತ್ಯುತ್ತಮವಾಗಿದೆ. ಎಲ್ಲಿಯೂ ಅನುವಾದಿತ ಕೃತಿ ಎಂದು ಅನಿಸದಷ್ಟು ಸರಳ ಶೈಲಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕನ್ನಡಕ್ಕೆ ಅನುವಾದಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.


ತೊಂಬತ್ತರ ದಶಕದಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾರತದಲ್ಲಿದ್ದ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಅಸ್ಥಿರತೆ, ಕೆಟ್ಟ ಆರ್ಥಿಕ ನೀತಿಗಳಿಂದ ಉಂಟಾದ ಆರ್ಥಿಕ ಮುಗ್ಗಟ್ಟು,ಬದಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಜಾಗತಿಕ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಸನ್ನಿವೇಶಗಳಂತಹ ಸ್ಥಿತ್ಯಂತರದ ಕಾಲಘಟ್ಟದಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾರತದ ಆಡಳಿತದ ಚುಕ್ಕಾಣಿ ಹಿಡಿದ ಶ್ರೀ ಪಿ.ವಿ.ನರಸಿಂಹರಾಯರು ಭಾರತವನ್ನು ಸಂಕಷ್ಟದಿಂದ ಪಾರು ಮಾಡಲು ತೋರಿದ ಧೈರ್ಯ ಮತ್ತು ಜಾಣ್ಮೆಯ ಕುರಿತ ಮಾಹಿತಿಯನ್ನು ಪುಸ್ತಕವು ಒಳಗೊಂಡಿದೆ.ಅಲ್ಪ ಮತದ ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ನೇತೃತ್ವ ‌ವಹಿಸಿದ್ದರೂ ತನ್ನ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ನಡೆಗಳ ಮೂಲಕ ಭಾರತವನ್ನು ಸುಸ್ತಿದಾರ ದೇಶ ಎಂಬ ಹಣೆಪಟ್ಟಿಯಿಂದ ರಕ್ಷಿಸಿದ ಗರಿಮೆ ಪಿವಿಎನ್ ಅವರದ್ದು.


ದೇಶವು ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಪಥದಲ್ಲಿ ಮುಂದುವರಿಯಲು ತೊಡಕಾಗಿದ್ದ ನೀತಿಗಳಿಗೆ ಸದ್ದಿಲ್ಲದೆ ತಿಲಾಂಜಲಿ ಬಿಟ್ಟು ನಮ್ಮ ಆರ್ಥಿಕ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯನ್ನು ಮುಕ್ತವಾಗಿಸಿದ ಪಿವಿಎನ್ ಅವರು ಬದಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಜಾಗತಿಕ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಚಿತ್ರಣಗಳಿಗೆ ತಕ್ಕಂತೆ ವಿದೇಶಾಂಗ ನೀತಿಯನ್ನು ಸಹ ಪರಿಷ್ಕರಣೆಗೆ ಒಳಪಡಿಸಿದರು. ನೆಹರು-ಗಾಂಧಿ ಕುಟುಂಬದ ವಶದಲ್ಲಿದ್ದ ಪಕ್ಷಕ್ಕೆ ಸುಮಾರು ಎರಡು ದಶಕಗಳ ನಂತರ ಆಂತರಿಕ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ನಡೆಯುವಂತೆ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದು ಅವರು ಯಾರು ಮುಲಾಜಿಗೂ ಒಳಗಾಗಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ ಎನ್ನುವುದನ್ನು ತೋರಿಸುತ್ತದೆ.ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಪಕ್ಷದ ಒಳಗೆ ಮತ್ತು ಹೊರಗೆ ಎದುರಾದ ವಿರೋಧ ಮತ್ತು ಸವಾಲುಗಳನ್ನು ಸಮರ್ಥವಾಗಿ ನಿಭಾಯಿಸಿದ್ದು ಸಹ ಅವರ ಹೆಗ್ಗಳಿಕೆ.


ತೊಂಬತ್ತರ ದಶಕದ ದುರವಸ್ಥೆಗೆ ಜಾಗತಿಕ ಕಾರಣಗಳು,ಇದಕ್ಕೆ ಭಾರತದ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯ ಕೊಡುಗೆ, ನಮ್ಮ ದೇಶವು ಅಳವಡಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದ ಕೆಲವು ನೀತಿಗಳ ಹುಳುಕುಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಪ್ರಪಂಚದೆಲ್ಲೆಡೆ ನಡೆಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಪಲ್ಲಟಗಳನ್ನು ಗುರುತಿಸುವಲ್ಲಿ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿ ವರ್ಗವು ವಿಫಲವಾಗಿದ್ದು ಮುಂತಾದ ವಿಷಯಗಳ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ವಿವರವಾದ ಮಾಹಿತಿಗಳಿವೆ.ಆಗಿನ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ನಾಯಕತ್ವ ತಮಗೆ ಪ್ರತಿಸ್ಪರ್ಧಿಗಳೆಂದೆನಿಸಿದವರನ್ನು ಮೂಲೆಗುಂಪಾಗಿಸಿದ್ದು,ಬಾಲಬಡುಕರಿಗೆ ಸಿಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಮಾನ್ಯತೆ,ಭಾರತದಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಾದೇಶಿಕ ಪಕ್ಷಗಳ ಉಗಮಕ್ಕೆ ಪೂರಕವಾದ ವಾತಾವರಣ ಸೃಷ್ಟಿಯಾದ ಬಗೆ ಮುಂತಾದವುಗಳ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಉಲ್ಲೇಖವಿದೆ.


ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಕಾಲದಿಂದಲೂ ನೆಹರು-ಗಾಂಧಿ ಕುಟುಂಬದ ಪಾಲಾಗಿದ್ದ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಪಕ್ಷದ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರಾಗಿ,ದೇಶದ ಪ್ರಧಾನಮಂತ್ರಿಯಾಗಿ ಆಯ್ಕೆಯಾದ ನರಸಿಂಹರಾವ್ ಅತ್ಯಂತ ಕ್ಲಿಷ್ಟಕರ ಸನ್ನಿವೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ ದೇಶವನ್ನು ಮುನ್ನಡೆಸಿದ ರೀತಿಯ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ತಿಳಿದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಇರುವ ಉತ್ತಮ ಕೃತಿ.


ಇಂತಹ ಅಪರೂಪದ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿತ್ವದ ನಾಯಕನನ್ನು ನಿವೃತ್ತಿ ನಂತರ ಅವರ ಪಕ್ಷ ಮತ್ತು ದೇಶವು ನಡೆಸಿಕೊಂಡ ರೀತಿ ಮಾತ್ರ ದುರದೃಷ್ಟಕರ….


ನಮಸ್ಕಾರ,

ಅಮಿತ್ ಕಾಮತ್

[Sameer · Rating 5 out of 5]

By steering India through the tumultuous year of 1991, PV etched his name in history. But, it is true that he had not been given recognition as much as he deserved. This book by Sanjaya Baru attempts to nullify it by detailing PV's role in 1991's Indian affairs: economic, political, foreign. Economic reforms of 1991 in India were not just an inevitable outcome of the crisis India was in. They needed political determination. PV provided it while his predecessors Rajiv Gandhi, VP Singh, Chandra Sekhar failed to do so. Critics of PV often point out that India would have undergone reforms under any PM and that PV had no special role to play. PV himself acknowledges this when he says, "I did what others would have done". But, this is no reason to not give him credit. Events such as 1991 reforms will definitely be influenced by who is in charge. Sanjaya Baru, with his close association among higher echelons of govt., delineates PV's prominence in 1991's India. An essential reading!

[Anjana · Rating 3 out of 5]

This book gives an insight into the year 1991 in India, the changes she went through, the crisis she faced, and the people who drove the changes. Also the author has bought out details about our PM Narasimha Rao, how he was pulled back into active politics at the verge of retirement and how he successfully managed his tenure as PM. Also other key players of the time like Chandra shekhar and manmohan Singh play a good part of the narration. An overall good read for anyone interested in knowing about our country in the year she got economic freedom. Though I felt a bit lost in parts where core economics were discussed the book gave me a good idea about the year 1991, how we reached there, and how we went ahead.

For detailed review: https://passatempo420.wordpress.com/2...

[Janakan Manivannan · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book apart from vivesecting the prime events of 1991 left me pondering over other ones like 1.Dynastic succession unwittingly started by Gandhi in 1929, Nehrus mistake in 1959 for elevating Indira to party presidentship, 2.Indiras right ward turn during her second prime.ministership vis a vis IMF loans 3.the geopolitical, mandal&mandir politocal , economical potpourri of 1991 and how Rao started from a new slate 4. economists vs politicians in 1991 reforms 5.chandrasekars unrenewed tryst with destiny . I end giving less than a star for the book for its prejudiced handling of Rajiv era (hey c'mon one can't forget his strides in internal peace process). Must read for those who love independent Indian politics

[Abinav · Rating 4 out of 5]

For a person born after 1991 the point of liberalization is a fable that we hear constantly from our elders when the conversation of economy comes into picture.

This book by Sanjaya Baru puts into perspective the role of PV Narasimha Rao and how he handled the economic crisis when his predecessor's attempt at the same failed due top various factors. The book is a beacon of light on the variuos people associated with the bold move in 1991.

As a non fiction read it took me time to complete the book. Though a slowly read this book contains knowledge that needs to be digested at even slower rate.

[Umesh Kesavan · Rating 2 out of 5]

The book aims to address the triple upheavals of 1991 - economic, political and geopolitical. The book scores only on the Economic front faithfully reliving the processes which went behind formulating the 1991 reforms. The geopolitical issues are dealt with rather superficially. The political turmoil is recounted in a repetitive and yawn-inducing manner. An average read which would have been racier had the author restricted himself to the liberalization of our economy.

[Aniruddh Sudharshan · Rating 2 out of 5]

Only book I have read where the Appendix is more interesting and valuable than the book itself.
The Appendix is Narasimha Rao's historic address to the Congress in 1992 in which the reforms are put in context, also a glimpse of how good a statesman PV would have been.
Skip the book, read the Appendix.
Subam.

[Arun Pandiyan · Rating 3 out of 5]

Much had been written earlier on the economic liberalization of 1991 by insiders like P Chidambaram, Jairam Ramesh, Montek Singh Ahluwalia, Rakesh Mohan, and others. Essentially, all the factors (a euphemism for bankruptcy) responsible for opening up the economy were emphasized often in their narration with additional encomium on the finance minister Manmohan Singh. On the flip side, this book is a concise historical account of an astute and a no-non-sense Prime Minister who made 1991 a ‘landmark’ year in Indian history. In short, PV’s contributions were:

1. Liberalization of the economy
2. India’s “Look East Policy”
3. Economic diplomacy with Japan, Taiwan, Germany & West Asia
4. Business deals with Korea (Samsung & Hyundai)
5. The peace accord with China
6. Diplomatic relations with Israel

PV will also be known for reinstating inter-party democracy within Congress. In the annexure of the book, there is his 1992 AICC speech in Tirupati, and I urge everyone to read the speech. PV was not a revolutionary like Deng Xiaoping, yet, without a doubt, with a minority government, PV dealt with all the economic and foreign policy challenges with his erudition and meticulous touch.

Overall, a good book on a man who steered India through the unchartered waters of the post-cold war world, whose legacy and name remain virtually erased from public memory.

[Aditya Surti · Rating 4 out of 5]

My knowledge of 1991 as it relates to India's history was limited only to the economic liberalization; however reading this book made me understand how crucial 1991 was for India. The economic crisis wherein India had to mortgage its gold reserves, the internal political friction immediately after the Rajiv Gandhi assassination and managing international relations both with the East and the West, while staying loyal to the non-alignment stand adopted by India was in itself a major challenge. PV Narasimha Rao, who was almost about to retire that year rose up to the occasion to accept the challenges and successfully managed to cruise the Indian economy through the troubled waters his predecessors had been responsible for. If Manmohan Singh is hailed as the winning captain of the team who made India's economic liberalization possible, PV was the coach.

[Vasudeva Reddy · Rating 5 out of 5]

It is a crime that we, as a country, fails to honor the man who had played a monumental role in the economic freedom that the country now enjoys. It’s understandable that congress disregard PV as he tried to bring the ‘Democratic’ culture to the ‘Dynastic’ party and he almost succeeded at it. The greatest crime he committed is, he ran the political party in a way it was supposed to run, a democratic way.

Without downplaying the efforts of Manmohan Singh, congress systematically gave credit to the good things happened in those four years to Manmohan whereas the architect of the Reforms was the PV. Book greatly captures the things that led to 1991 and how one man with grit and skills navigated through tough waters.

[Sai · Rating 4 out of 5]

The year was 1991, India was entangled with numerous political, economic and geo-political crises and the year was expected to be the worst year in Indian independent history. Accidently a diminutive stodgy congressman sat on the throne of prime minister, which would reshape the destiny of the nation. He reconstructed the country’s economy in a promising manner by implementing various reforms, which no one would dare to execute during that time. He had to face endless carping and criticism from all the corners, including the people from his own party for his daring reforms. His tenure was over by 1996 and since then various governments came to power. The members of these governments (excepting few) are those who condemned his economic policies during 1991 but the most ironic thing here is none of these governments were able to alter the worthwhile reforms cemented by him. This is where the legacy of this person stands tall and this towering person is none other than P.V.Narasimha Rao.

Well known journalist and political analyst, Sanjaya Baru has authored a biographical book called “ 1991 HOW P.V.NARASIMHA RAO MADE HISTORY “ and the most idiosyncratic thing about this book is that this is a biography of the year 1991 in Indian political and economic history, rather than being a biographical note of an individual.

This book is multi-dimensional, where two different groups of people can interpret this in two distinct ways. This will provide an understanding of the events during the year 1991 in a different perspective for those who are aware of Indian political and economic history. But for the rookies in our politics and economics, this book will be an eye-opener and will stimulate them to dig deep into these events. Apart from touching various occurrences in Indian politics, this book also talks about geo-politics where it reports glimpses about breaking of Soviet Union, India’s diplomatic relations, polarity of power among the world nations etc. The book is divided into various phases such as the reasons for the elections during 1991, the events that lead to the formation of Narasimha Rao ministry, the rehabilitation of Indian economy. This also talks about the changes happened within Indian National Congress party and how the world fared during 1991.

The author, Sanjaya Baru shows various sights about some very renowned figures like Manmohan Singh, Pranabh Mukherjee, Rajiv Gandhi, Indira Gandhi and many more. Dr.Baru is bang on by mentioning a conversation of Narasimha Rao with his aid, where Rao says “Dr Manmohan Singh is neither a full-fledged politician nor an officer…He does not understand that I am their criticism. I can act against them, but I have to choose the right occasion and time. He is not bothered about such niceties. He says he is not a politician. How can be a finance minister and still claim he is not a politician?” There are similar quotations from various personalities and their biographies throughout this book, which makes this an erudite work. Sanjaya baru had shown Manmohan Singh in positive limelight by giving him the credit for his contribution in economic reforms and also by briefing how Manmohan Singh had shown respect to Rao after his death by opposing his party officials. It’s seldom to find present generation people who know very well about our president Pranab Mukherjee. This book briefs about his past political history from the times, when he was the second most powerful person in Indira Gandhi’s ministry to the period, when Rajiv Gandhi omitted Pranab from the ministry and there are also few glimpses about the relationship between him and P.V.Narasimha Rao. This book also briefs about various unknown characters like Jairam Ramesh, I.G.Patel, Yashwant Sinha and many more. The portions covering about our former prime minister Chandrashekar is a brilliant read and the way author portrays Chandrashekar is noteworthy.

This book also touches in great detail about how Narasimha Rao rescued India from the straitjacket of “License-Raj” by making the country more liberal. This made the young entrepreneurs in the country to bloom, which is a game changer in Indian economic history. Various details about “Balance of payment crisis” were covered in detail and the way in which Narasimha Rao tackled this is worthy to read. The author shows the approach of Rao towards foreign countries and how he implemented proper diplomatic relations with various countries. Dr.Baru is very critical on Rajiv Gandhi on his poor economic management and the involvement of Rajiv’s Doon school friends in high authoritative posts. Heavy condemnation was shown on family politics carried out by Indira Gandhi in the congress party and the author was also highly damnatory on the congress party officials for not providing the deserved respect for Narasimha Rao after his tenure.


Overall, this book gives a clear picture about various happenings in 1991 and establishes a clear platform for the readers to learn more about Indian politics and economics. Every Human has a positive side as well as a negative side and P.V.Narasimha Rao is a no exception. This book doesn’t portray P.V.Narasimha Rao as a clean politician but instead shows his brilliant economic measures in limelight. This is a must read for everyone who wants to know more about this unsung personality and undoubtedly this book widens our views about Indian political, economic and geo-political history.

[Ramya · Rating 3 out of 5]

3.5 stars rounded down to 3.

Good account of the year that brought about economic liberalization in India. But the book was a bit of dry, stretched out read that repeated certain things multiple times. I would instead recommend Vinay Sitapati's biography on Rao although that's a memoir and this one has a specific topic focus.

[Swateek · Rating 3 out of 5]

My second book of Sanjay Baru, and I absolutely enjoy his style of narration. This book covers the entire year or 1991 segregated into months, each explaining the events drawing of various sources, various theories. A decent read.

[Siddhant · Rating 4 out of 5]

Baru nails it again with P.V Narsimha Rao's story!

[Shantanu Patnaik · Rating 4 out of 5]

A breakdown of 1991 and the economic turmoil surrounding India at the time. Up steps PV from his eminent retirement from politics to build the foundation for growth for India as we know of today. The book touches upon various aspects of the economic policy, his mentorship of Manmohan Singh as well as his brilliance in navigating the Soviet unions break up to diversify India's foreign policy and build relationships with many more Nations - Israel, Germany and ASEAN countries. It also briefly touches upon his shrewd political mind as he temporarily made Congress a bit more democratic than proprietorship of family. Sitapati's biography now becomes a must follow up read.

[Dr.J.G. · Rating 3 out of 5]

After regime changed in 2014, it was as if nation breathed, a long deep breath. It reflected in everything, including films. Within a couple of years there were not only startling changes in nation's dealing with the terrorist attacks that had become routine during the previous decade, but it reflected immediately in films.

One weekend that year was very remarkable and remains in memory as shining, less in events and more in terms of effect of a couple of films. "Uri ..." was, of course, expected to have that impact.

"Accidental Prime Minister" was, at the other extreme, had evoked few expectations other than that of a good performance by the seasoned performer in title role. But this was only a five percent of the final, immensely surprising impact, at the end. Apart from the complete delight by the artist playing the narrator, the background of the tapestry was the real pleasure, the author Sanjay Baru.

So getting this one was almost totally due to his name, and a small part to the subject, a very capable PM of India who was subsequently, especially post his demise, humiliated in a way unimaginable in any other nation or culture not supposedly a totalitarian dictatorship.

And the introduction already fulfills expectations far more than raised by the name of the author, who is a delight in his intelligent and honest discourse, the way Arun Shourie, Tavleen Singh - and few, too few others in the climate created by decades of congress regimes post independence have been.

To anyone who lived through the era, reading this introduction merely brings a "yes, that's so" affirmation, and a pleasure of coming across the honesty and intelligence, quietly, so rare when political scenario until 2014 was mostly of regimes that promoted fodder thefts and raised worse thieves to positions undeserved, with rare exceptions of eras - 1977-79, subsequent BJP years at turn of millennium - all too short, when a lot of hopes were dashed all too soon as the corrupt returned to power.

Nobody tells the story of the proverbial Lutyen's Delhi and its elusive, famous leading figures as well as this author, not even Tavleen Singh, an intimate of the said Lutyen's Delhi. He paints so clear a portrait of situations, personae and various facets of the story, economic and political, history and personalities, with backgrounds filled in, that it's simultaneously familiar and a revelation.

One is reminded of Arun Shourie, in the honesty and intelligence, as well as Tavleen Singh, in her portrayals of events and personae, added to the Intelligence and honesty. Sanjaya Baru occupies a middle ground.

One has little clue if any of his ideological inclination, unlike Arun Shourie who impresses more also with his exhaustively thorough research into diverse topics he rakes up. But one gets a fleeting impression of someone who knows a lot more than he'd reveal, despite being g not quite as much an insider of Lutyen's Delhi as Tavleen Singh.
***

"Guiding India through new and hitherto uncharted terrain, in that fateful year, PV became the man of the moment. It is a tragedy of Indian politics that PV’s leadership on the economic, foreign policy and domestic political fronts has not received the recognition it deserves. His own party let him down, on the specious plea that his inaction during the destruction of the Babri Masjid in Uttar Pradesh in December 1992 had alienated the Muslim community. That is another story altogether, and one which begins in 1985 with Rajiv Gandhi and his advisers opening the doors of the Babri Masjid to Hindus who wished to pray there."

Blaming him rather than Rajiv Gandhi was the typical fraud Congress perpetrates routinely, permanently defying two names in India and condemning others to every garbage heap unless they are permanent slaves wearing masks of those two names. And this particular blame laid against him is fraudulent at every one of several levels. His real crime as far as Congress went must have been his being known as a PM at all, instead of a puppet or a joke, despite being neither European nor Nehru or Gandhi or muslim.
***

Author quotes, in appendix, the address by P.V. Narasimha Rao at Tirupati session in full.

It'd be good if it were worth quoting. But it's full of the Congress lies, such as commitment to Gandhi and nonviolence (forgetting 1984?), claiming Congress was democratic but people fooled into voting against it in 1977, and more of the sort.
***

"For his part, PV is the only prime minister who has left behind an entire book explaining his side of the story on a major issue of his tenure. In PV’s view, as he sums up in the book, Ayodhya: 6 December 1992, published posthumously, ‘I tried to explain all these things to my colleagues, but on their side also political and vote-earning considerations definitely prevailed and they had already made up their minds that one person was to be made historically responsible for the tragedy, in case the issue ended up in tragedy. If there had been success (as there definitely seemed to be, in the initial months) they would of course have readily shared the credit or appropriated it to themselves.’

"The real collapse of the Congress occurred in the 1980s. PV held everything together. He helped stabilize the economy and make the strategic shifts India was required to make in the post-Cold War era, recognizing the nature of the emerging multi-polar world. Of course, PV had his flaws and made his mistakes. Of course, there was much that was wrong with his government. But, in that one year, 1991, he offered quiet, sober and competent leadership to a nation unnerved by multiple crises and unforeseen changes and challenges.

"From vanaprastha he was on the verge of taking up sanyasa. He was called upon to be a karmayogi. For the leadership he provided in that fateful year PV deserved the Bharat Ratna. It is a sad commentary on this nation of ours that we do not know who our real heroes are and do not know how to honour them."

Baru has elsewhere mentioned him being blamed for mishandling 1984. Neither congress nor Baru nor most people, until recently, are willing to point a finger towards where real abdication of responsibility, if not outright guilt of genocide of innocent, lay.

But then, how few even name Suhrawardy in context of Calcutta massacres of ten thousand Hindus in three days, as per orders of Jinnah, beginning 16th August 1946?

Or how often is name of Noakhali mentioned in the real context, of massacre of 150,000 Hindus at time of Hindu festivals, after the Calcutta massacre?

Instead the name of Noakhali is used as glorification of Gandhi, who eventually nowhere close, claiming he succeeded in establishing peace - and showing how Hindus were dissuaded from retaliation by his fasting.

Obviously, no such dissuasion of the other side, from massacre of Hindus - immediately, and occasionally thereafter - was aimed at, much less expected. It's continued, including the train at Godhra set on fire in 2002, burning hundreds of pilgrims to death, including women and children, old and young alike.

Neither the then PM, nor the then home minister, are blamed directly for 1984 massacre, in Delhi or in Punjab or throughout India - except claiming mishandling by home minister, who really didn't hold power, PM being present when massacre began. So harping on BJP leaders for guilt about 1992, or 2002, is sheer fraud, not merely hypocrisy.

It's ironical that while they claim he was to blame for alienating a very appeased minority, they have no compunction claiming to be Hindu and denying the very existence of Rama, categorically and officially, in public! But then they even question the very existence of India, that too in Parliament, in extremely offensive terms.

Sushama Swaraj replied to the last one, more than comprehensively. But point remains, thst in all but name, Congress had turned India into an Abrahamic dictatorship, introducing a bill that parallelled inquisition - anyone of two later abrahmic minorities, Abrahamic-II and Abrahamic-III, could simply claim a Hindu had done something to displease, and the accused was to be indefinitely imprisoned without habeas corpus, no recourse to law or hearing; smaller minorities, however, were not accorded such rights, nor were Hindus; and, of course, thus was all strictly one way.

Even now, when it's about any object of worship of Hindus, anyone questioning or abusing the said object, or Hindus, is considered deserving of rights to free speech- while anyone responding with facts admitted throughout history by adherents of Abrahamic religions is not only immediately questioned but is demanded beheading of, by not just the said adherents, but those appeasing them under a fraudulent label of secularism. That last, of course, is led by congress.

Refugees in Delhi circa 1947-48 were far more realistic. They had to be. It was their lives staked by those asking them to return and be murdered cheerfully with love for murderers suffusing their beings!
***


"It is a measure of his modesty that in his own lifetime he never made any claims about either making history or how he would be judged by it. In that sense, he had internalized the qualities of a sanyasi."

"If he had succeeded in conducting nuclear weapon tests in the winter of 1995, as he had planned to, his tenure would not only have begun with a bang but also ended with one, so to speak. In the event, he left the opportunity to test and declare India a nuclear weapons state to his friend and successor, Atal Bihari Vajpayee."

In fact India failed during tenure of congress due to the operating style of the then regime. It wasn't that "he left the opportunity to test and declare India a nuclear weapons state to his friend and successor, Atal Bihari Vajpayee" as much as that the style of functioning of said regime, changing even marginally then, made the difference. Major difference was, allowing those who could, unfettered by red tape and incompetent sycophants.
***


"All these developments were politically significant both for the country and the ruling party. For the first time in years the Congress was learning to function once again like a normal political party. It is interesting to note that in PV’s semi-autobiographical work of fiction, The Insider, ... "

" ... PV’s observations, articulated through the various protagonists in the story, were his way of commenting on his own party. Within a decade of assuming power, Indira Gandhi changed the INC beyond recognition. In 1951, the INC was given the election symbol of two bullocks carrying a yoke. When the party split in 1967, the breakaway group that Indira Gandhi headed, called the Indian National Congress (Requisition)—INC (R)—because a group of Indira supporters ‘requisitioned’ a meeting at which the split with the original ‘organization’—INC (O)—was made official, was given the symbol of ‘cow and calf’. Few at the time made much of the fact that the cow and calf symbol represented the implicit hereditary succession in Congress leadership, from Nehru to Indira. Indeed, even fewer would have noted that this was equally a sign of things to come."

" ... As late as in 1966, Indira Gandhi was the only second-generation leader to step into a parent’s political office, albeit with a lag."

Baru has erred, if history of congress party as such is taken into account. Motilal Nehru had, through Gandhi, ensured in 1930 that party presidentship passed from him to his son, although party choice that year was Sardar Patel. Gandhi did this again by pushing out the elected popular president Subhash Chandra Bose via almost illegal conduct, and then ensuring he was thrown out.

So Indira Gandhi was third generation as far as Congress Party’s presidential position is concerned.

"It is possible to suggest that the first step towards inherited political power came when Motilal Nehru urged Mahatma Gandhi to name his son Jawaharlal as Congress president. Motilal did that on more than one occasion and Gandhiji obliged, to the dismay of both Subhas Chandra Bose and Vallabhbhai Patel. While Bose rejected Gandhiji’s preference for Nehru, Patel was too much of a loyalist to question the Mahatma. The Mahatma’s grandson, Rajmohan Gandhi, a distinguished scholar in his own right, records in his book on the Mahatma, The Good Boatman, ‘Presiding at Lahore, Jawaharlal declared that he was “a republican and no believer in kings and princes”, but the succession from father (Motilal) to son seemed to send Jawaharlal’s mother Swaruprani into “a sort of ecstasy”, and there were admiring references to “a king passing on the scepter of the throne to his logical successor”. ... "

That drama was repeated recently in party and family.

" ... Gandhi, champion of the rights of the halt and the lame, the last and the least, had unwittingly launched a dynasty.’"

Unwittingly?

"It is this seed of hereditary succession that grew into a full-blown tree of family rule in Indira’s time. Dynastic politics took a huge leap forward in 1975 when Indira Gandhi brought her son Sanjay into the decision-making circle of her party. In 1980, Indira Gandhi returned to power as though she had a divine right to rule India. The durbar that had come into being during the Emergency and remained loyal to her after she was ousted in 1977 reinforced the image that she was the natural leader of government. Without inhibition she elevated her son Sanjay Gandhi to the status of heir apparent. Those who resented Sanjay’s bossism within the party and government were sidelined. A new generation of brash, young, socially upwardly mobile wannabes including Akbar Ahmed, Gundu Rao, Rukhsana Sultana, Jagdish Tytler, Kamal Nath, Ambika Soni, Bansi Lal and so on, acquired prominence both in party and government.

"No other national or even major regional political leader had till then so inducted a family member into politics and policymaking. Ideology-based parties of the political Left and Right were never touched by this syndrome. The elevation of Sanjay Gandhi to a position of unquestioned power heralded a new phase of politics in India wherein a political party leader’s family became the core of the party’s power structure. Following this precedent, most regional and caste- or community-based political parties have adopted dynastic succession as the method of leadership transition.

"Not surprisingly, therefore, when Sanjay died in a plane crash in June 1980 the coterie around Indira who ran party affairs ensured that Rajiv Gandhi, then an Indian Airlines pilot, was inducted into the party’s leadership. Rajiv’s induction after Sanjay’s death happened as if it was the natural order of things. ... "
***

"Before PV at least four senior political leaders—three of them ex-Congressmen—tried leading non-Congress governments in New Delhi: Morarji Desai, Charan Singh, V. P. Singh and Chandra Shekhar. All of them failed. Most of them were in office for less than a year. PV, however, demonstrated his staying power within a year. He did this not by becoming authoritarian, but by being democratic in his instincts, consensual in his approach and, above all, transactional in his dealings. His style of slow decision-making and not revealing his mind often frustrated people. But, over time, it became a new principle of political management—not taking a decision is also a decision.

"Within the span of a year PV showed that the Indian economy and polity could dream of normal times, of better times; that India would enter the twenty-first century as an open society, an open economy and a normal democratic polity. India was no banana republic in which one family would rule. India was not a closed economy in which bureaucratic socialism would crush free enterprise. India could now aspire to be like many other democracies—a nation built on meritocracy and individual enterprise in which feudal privilege would no longer give anyone an advantage at birth."

"In 1998, when Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee was unseated by a vote of no-confidence, Sonia made an abortive bid to become prime minister. She was thwarted by Mulayam Singh Yadav who withdrew support to the Congress-led government after indicating an initial willingness to offer it.

"In May 2004, when the Congress was once again in a position to form a minority government leading a coalition, the family coterie pushed for Sonia to become prime minister. This time she wisely chose not to. ... "

Wisely, nothing. Has Sanjaya Baru missed the frank admission by Dr Subramanian Swamy telling different audiences about how she was all set to be PM, when he saw her own nomination for herself amongst the (over five hundred or so) nominations individually signed by various makers of party, as he went by invitation for lunch with the then president of India, Dr, Kalam?

Dr Subramanian Swamy had informed Dr Kalam of the illegality of such a possibility, since constitution of India was particular about reciprocity; and an Indian couldn't be even a municipal official in Italy!

Thus informed, the president took steps, and as Dr Subramanian Swamy tells, when he called her, sobbing was witnessed; a coterie of Italian friends and relatives, after all, was present, having travelled all the way to watch an Italian enshrined at the position of PM of India!

Later the speech giving it a turn of individual choice was much publicised as choice, but subsequently the law (against an Italian or another foreigner from similar country becoming PM of India) was, reportedly, changed during the 2004-14 decade.

Someone on internet argues this change as being independent of policies of other nations (who prevent Indians from comparable positions).

" ... However, the party adopted a new methodology to select its prime minister. It elected Sonia as the chairperson of the CPP. Sonia was then authorized to ‘nominate’ the head of government.
***


"It was only in May 2014 that once again a single party with a simple majority was able to form the government. This time it was a government of the BJP, headed by Narendra Modi. The Congress, led by Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul, experienced its worst ever rout in history, securing 44 seats in the 543-member Lok Sabha.

"During the intervening years the Congress Party disowned PV. His name was virtually erased from the party’s public memory. When he died, the party shut the gates of its headquarters and refused to bid official farewell to a former president. His crime: seeking to end the proprietary control of the INC by the Nehru-Gandhi family. PV died on 23 December 2004. In the decade since then the only Congress leader who has regularly and religiously paid tribute and honoured PV’s memory on the occasion ....

[Srivallik · Rating 4 out of 5]

My respect for PV has increased manifold after reading baru’s book and I’m happy PV gave India the governance it needed in a right manner,at the right time that a right man would have done.He literally lifted India from the stagnancy it endured in all the earlier years of dynastic rule.He also proved democratically won leaders can deliver results if only they have the courage and conviction to deliver

[Rajiv · Rating 5 out of 5]

1991 Economic Principle

The book tells about what was changed in indian economic policies during PV period.
PV is not only bringing the industrial revolution also he elevates the people from different state.