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El Tercer Reich
El Tercer Reich fue publicado por primera vez en 1923, dos anos antes del tragico suicidio de su autor, diez anos antes del advenimiento del nacionalsocialismo en Alemania, y cinco anos despues del final de la I guerra mundial que tuvo como consecuencia el colapso del II Reich del Kaiser Guillermo II y el subsecuente nacimiento de la Republica de Weimar. De modo que es una obra concebida en una epoca de encrucijada entre dos mundos, uno que desaparece y otro que comienza a proyectarse sobre el futuro incierto y desolador en aquellos momentos. Esta obra constituye un aporte fundamental, en terminos ideologicos, conceptuales y terminologicos a la configuracion de la idea del Tercer Reich -concepto que fue acunado por primera vez por Arthur Moeller van den Bruck- y que debia ser dotado de contenido, segun su punto de vista, desde una base Tradicional, fuertemente comunitaria y nacional. Evidentemente, el Tercer Reich que acabo tomando forma con la llegada de Hitler al poder nada tenia que ver con aquello que teorizo Moeller al concebir la presente obra.
318 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1922
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279 people want to read
About the author
Arthur Moeller van den Bruck
58 books14 followersArthur Wilhelm Ernst Victor Moeller van den Bruck was a German cultural historian and writer and the main translator of the works of Fyodor Dostoyevsky in German. He is considered a key intellectual figure of the Conservative Revolution.
As an author and political theorist, he remains best known for his controversial 1923 book Das Dritte Reich ("The Third Reich"), which promoted German nationalism and ended up strongly influencing the NSDAP; despite his open opposition and numerous criticisms of Adolf Hitler.
Moeller van den Bruck coined the term third reich in his same titled book. With "third" implying a third way beyond capitalism and communism. Instead of the third succeeding Reich.
Moeller van den Bruck committed suicide on the day the nazis seized power.
As an author and political theorist, he remains best known for his controversial 1923 book Das Dritte Reich ("The Third Reich"), which promoted German nationalism and ended up strongly influencing the NSDAP; despite his open opposition and numerous criticisms of Adolf Hitler.
Moeller van den Bruck coined the term third reich in his same titled book. With "third" implying a third way beyond capitalism and communism. Instead of the third succeeding Reich.
Moeller van den Bruck committed suicide on the day the nazis seized power.
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
August 30, 2019
I was going to write a fairly long review of this book, of which I heard in George Hawley's outstanding "Right-Wing Critics of American Conservatism." But I decided not to. First, it's not that good. It's somewhat interesting to see these ideas, some of which cropped up in with the National Socialists (Lebensraum, especially), in their embryonic form. Still, this book is very much of a particular time and place (early 1920s postwar Germany), and it is rambling and without much insight. Sure, it's important, for example, to distinguish between rebuilding the past and forging the future with an eye on the past. But that of itself is not a particularly keen insight.
The second reason is, let's be honest, that anyone who spends a great deal of time writing about a book with what may be the most unfortunate title ever (even if published in 1923) is going to spend more time explaining away that he's not a Nazi than people will spend listening to whatever he has to say. No doubt Moeller van den Bruck wasn't a Nazi himself (he shot himself in 1925), but he was close enough to make defending him, um, uncomfortable.
So that means, no need to bother reading my long review, because there isn't one. And no need to really bother reading the book, even if you are interested in the Conservative Revolution, the Nouvelle Droit, and so forth, because there's nothing here not better expressed elsewhere.
The second reason is, let's be honest, that anyone who spends a great deal of time writing about a book with what may be the most unfortunate title ever (even if published in 1923) is going to spend more time explaining away that he's not a Nazi than people will spend listening to whatever he has to say. No doubt Moeller van den Bruck wasn't a Nazi himself (he shot himself in 1925), but he was close enough to make defending him, um, uncomfortable.
So that means, no need to bother reading my long review, because there isn't one. And no need to really bother reading the book, even if you are interested in the Conservative Revolution, the Nouvelle Droit, and so forth, because there's nothing here not better expressed elsewhere.
December 13, 2024
Arthur Moeller van den Bruck’s Germany’s Third Empire (Das Dritte Reich), published in 1923, is a pivotal work in the intellectual history of early 20th-century Germany. The book offers a vision of a new German state, one that transcends both the liberalism of the Weimar Republic and the materialism of Marxist socialism. Moeller’s ideas, deeply influenced by cultural pessimism and anti-modernist thought, contributed to the ideological undercurrents that shaped the rise of National Socialism. While the text itself is not an outright political manifesto, its ambiguous and romanticized call for national renewal provided fertile ground for radical interpretations.
Moeller van den Bruck’s central thesis is that Germany must strive for a “Third Empire” that synthesizes elements of its past (the Holy Roman Empire and the Prussian-led Second Empire) while forging a new path to cultural and national greatness. This Third Empire is envisioned as a spiritual and political rebirth, rooted in traditional values, cultural identity, and a rejection of the perceived decadence of liberal democracy.
The book is structured around critiques of existing political ideologies, including liberalism, socialism, and democracy, all of which Moeller views as foreign impositions incompatible with the German spirit. Liberalism, in his view, atomizes society, undermining national cohesion, while socialism, despite its potential to unite the masses, reduces human aspirations to economic concerns. Instead, Moeller advocates for a conservative revolution that would restore the primacy of cultural and spiritual values while uniting the nation under a strong, organic leadership.
One of the strengths of Germany’s Third Empire is its ability to articulate the anxieties and aspirations of interwar Germany. Moeller’s critique of liberalism and materialism resonated with a population disillusioned by the Treaty of Versailles, economic hardship, and political instability. His call for a unifying national purpose appealed to those yearning for a sense of identity and stability in the aftermath of World War I.
The book is also notable for its literary and philosophical depth. Moeller draws on German Romanticism and the ideas of thinkers like Friedrich Nietzsche, Johann Gottfried Herder, and Oswald Spengler to construct his vision of national renewal. This intellectual foundation lends the work a gravitas that distinguishes it from purely propagandistic texts of the era.
However, Germany’s Third Empire suffers from significant flaws, both in its philosophical coherence and its historical legacy. Moeller’s vision is deliberately vague, leaving the specifics of governance, policy, and societal organization undefined. This ambiguity, while appealing to a wide audience, makes the work susceptible to misinterpretation and appropriation. Indeed, the term “Third Reich,” later adopted by the Nazi regime, is directly derived from Moeller’s book, even though his vision differs in key respects from the policies and practices of National Socialism.
Another limitation is Moeller’s romantic idealization of German culture and his disdain for modernity, which lead to a dismissive treatment of democracy and pluralism. His critique of liberalism, while incisive, fails to acknowledge its potential for adaptation and reform. Moreover, his rejection of socialism overlooks the possibility of integrating social justice with cultural renewal, instead framing the two as irreconcilable opposites.
The book’s historical context is crucial to understanding its impact. Written during a period of profound political and economic turmoil, Germany’s Third Empire reflects the frustrations of a nation struggling to redefine itself. Moeller’s work provided intellectual legitimacy to the conservative revolutionary movement, which sought an alternative to both Marxism and liberal democracy.
While Moeller himself was not a member of the Nazi Party and reportedly disapproved of Adolf Hitler, his ideas were co-opted by the Nazis, who used the term “Third Reich” as a rallying cry for their regime. This association has tarnished Moeller’s intellectual legacy, making his work a subject of critical scrutiny for its role in enabling extremist ideologies.
In contemporary scholarship, Germany’s Third Empire is often studied as a document of cultural and intellectual history rather than as a blueprint for political action. Its critique of liberalism and materialism continues to resonate in debates about the challenges of modernity, globalization, and cultural identity. However, its limitations—particularly its embrace of authoritarianism and its failure to engage constructively with democratic values—serve as cautionary reminders of the dangers of romanticized nationalism.
Arthur Moeller van den Bruck’s Germany’s Third Empire is a complex and influential work that reflects the ideological ferment of interwar Germany. While its philosophical depth and cultural critique offer valuable insights into the period, its ambiguity and rejection of democratic principles make it a problematic text with a controversial legacy. For scholars of intellectual history and political thought, the book remains an important case study in the intersection of culture, ideology, and nationalism, highlighting both the power and the perils of ideas in shaping historical trajectories.
GPT
Moeller van den Bruck’s central thesis is that Germany must strive for a “Third Empire” that synthesizes elements of its past (the Holy Roman Empire and the Prussian-led Second Empire) while forging a new path to cultural and national greatness. This Third Empire is envisioned as a spiritual and political rebirth, rooted in traditional values, cultural identity, and a rejection of the perceived decadence of liberal democracy.
The book is structured around critiques of existing political ideologies, including liberalism, socialism, and democracy, all of which Moeller views as foreign impositions incompatible with the German spirit. Liberalism, in his view, atomizes society, undermining national cohesion, while socialism, despite its potential to unite the masses, reduces human aspirations to economic concerns. Instead, Moeller advocates for a conservative revolution that would restore the primacy of cultural and spiritual values while uniting the nation under a strong, organic leadership.
One of the strengths of Germany’s Third Empire is its ability to articulate the anxieties and aspirations of interwar Germany. Moeller’s critique of liberalism and materialism resonated with a population disillusioned by the Treaty of Versailles, economic hardship, and political instability. His call for a unifying national purpose appealed to those yearning for a sense of identity and stability in the aftermath of World War I.
The book is also notable for its literary and philosophical depth. Moeller draws on German Romanticism and the ideas of thinkers like Friedrich Nietzsche, Johann Gottfried Herder, and Oswald Spengler to construct his vision of national renewal. This intellectual foundation lends the work a gravitas that distinguishes it from purely propagandistic texts of the era.
However, Germany’s Third Empire suffers from significant flaws, both in its philosophical coherence and its historical legacy. Moeller’s vision is deliberately vague, leaving the specifics of governance, policy, and societal organization undefined. This ambiguity, while appealing to a wide audience, makes the work susceptible to misinterpretation and appropriation. Indeed, the term “Third Reich,” later adopted by the Nazi regime, is directly derived from Moeller’s book, even though his vision differs in key respects from the policies and practices of National Socialism.
Another limitation is Moeller’s romantic idealization of German culture and his disdain for modernity, which lead to a dismissive treatment of democracy and pluralism. His critique of liberalism, while incisive, fails to acknowledge its potential for adaptation and reform. Moreover, his rejection of socialism overlooks the possibility of integrating social justice with cultural renewal, instead framing the two as irreconcilable opposites.
The book’s historical context is crucial to understanding its impact. Written during a period of profound political and economic turmoil, Germany’s Third Empire reflects the frustrations of a nation struggling to redefine itself. Moeller’s work provided intellectual legitimacy to the conservative revolutionary movement, which sought an alternative to both Marxism and liberal democracy.
While Moeller himself was not a member of the Nazi Party and reportedly disapproved of Adolf Hitler, his ideas were co-opted by the Nazis, who used the term “Third Reich” as a rallying cry for their regime. This association has tarnished Moeller’s intellectual legacy, making his work a subject of critical scrutiny for its role in enabling extremist ideologies.
In contemporary scholarship, Germany’s Third Empire is often studied as a document of cultural and intellectual history rather than as a blueprint for political action. Its critique of liberalism and materialism continues to resonate in debates about the challenges of modernity, globalization, and cultural identity. However, its limitations—particularly its embrace of authoritarianism and its failure to engage constructively with democratic values—serve as cautionary reminders of the dangers of romanticized nationalism.
Arthur Moeller van den Bruck’s Germany’s Third Empire is a complex and influential work that reflects the ideological ferment of interwar Germany. While its philosophical depth and cultural critique offer valuable insights into the period, its ambiguity and rejection of democratic principles make it a problematic text with a controversial legacy. For scholars of intellectual history and political thought, the book remains an important case study in the intersection of culture, ideology, and nationalism, highlighting both the power and the perils of ideas in shaping historical trajectories.
GPT
February 1, 2025
Curioso libro-manifesto di una delle figure considerate anticipatrici del nazismo, seppur involontarie, dato che l'autore Arthur Moeller van den Bruck criticò ampiamente il movimento e Adolf Hitler per aver traviato le sue idee ben prima 7 anni prima della presa al potere del nazismo dato che l'autore si suicidò nel 1925, due anni appena dopo la pubblicazione di questo libro.
Il libro prefigura e auspica la nascita di un utopico "terzo regno", un riferimento a una società che succedesse quella dell'Impero Tedesco (il "secondo reich") ma anche terzo regno nel senso di una nuova alternativa al conservatorismo nazionalista e al socialismo che potesse essere l'unione e il superamento di queste due idee.
Leggo che poco prima che il libro andasse in stampa, Moeller van den Bruck inserì una prefazione in cui si distanziava da future implicazioni politiche che il suo libro potesse assumere e in cui affermava che la Germania avrebbe sì necessitato di un Superuomo nietszchiano al potere, ma che Adolf Hitler non sarebbe stato per alcun motivo la persona giusta (il quale considerava una persona di gran lunga meno capace di Mussolini), vedendoci lungo sulle conseguenze della sua influenza. Sarebbe stato interessantissimo se essa fosse stata inclusa in questa edizione.
Non mi dilungherò oltre sul linguaggio, molto lirico e pomposo fino allo stremo, roboante e poetico, molto spesso oscuro e talvolta contraddittorio. Il libro rimane però interessante come curiosità storica e come esempio di tendenze presenti all'interno della cosiddetta Rivoluzione Conservatrice e in generale nella Germania pre-hitleriana.
Il libro influenzò non poco il nazismo dei primi anni già nel concetto che dà il titolo all'opera nonostante le critiche dell'autore al movimento e a Hitler ma il maggior impatto lo ebbe forse su movimenti post-bellici come la Nouvelle Droite e su Francis Parker Yockey, il di cui Imperium sarebbe una specie di versione 2.0 di quest'opera. Può essere consigliabile accompagnarlo con la lettura di L'uomo che ha inventato il Terzo Reich, probabilmente l'unica biografia scritta sull'autore.
Il libro prefigura e auspica la nascita di un utopico "terzo regno", un riferimento a una società che succedesse quella dell'Impero Tedesco (il "secondo reich") ma anche terzo regno nel senso di una nuova alternativa al conservatorismo nazionalista e al socialismo che potesse essere l'unione e il superamento di queste due idee.
Leggo che poco prima che il libro andasse in stampa, Moeller van den Bruck inserì una prefazione in cui si distanziava da future implicazioni politiche che il suo libro potesse assumere e in cui affermava che la Germania avrebbe sì necessitato di un Superuomo nietszchiano al potere, ma che Adolf Hitler non sarebbe stato per alcun motivo la persona giusta (il quale considerava una persona di gran lunga meno capace di Mussolini), vedendoci lungo sulle conseguenze della sua influenza. Sarebbe stato interessantissimo se essa fosse stata inclusa in questa edizione.
Non mi dilungherò oltre sul linguaggio, molto lirico e pomposo fino allo stremo, roboante e poetico, molto spesso oscuro e talvolta contraddittorio. Il libro rimane però interessante come curiosità storica e come esempio di tendenze presenti all'interno della cosiddetta Rivoluzione Conservatrice e in generale nella Germania pre-hitleriana.
Il libro influenzò non poco il nazismo dei primi anni già nel concetto che dà il titolo all'opera nonostante le critiche dell'autore al movimento e a Hitler ma il maggior impatto lo ebbe forse su movimenti post-bellici come la Nouvelle Droite e su Francis Parker Yockey, il di cui Imperium sarebbe una specie di versione 2.0 di quest'opera. Può essere consigliabile accompagnarlo con la lettura di L'uomo che ha inventato il Terzo Reich, probabilmente l'unica biografia scritta sull'autore.
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews