While Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s first hundred days may be the most celebrated period of his presidency, the months before the attack on Pearl Harbor proved the most critical. Beginning as early as 1939 when Germany first attacked Poland, Roosevelt skillfully navigated a host of challenges—a reluctant population, an unprepared military, and disagreements within his cabinet—to prepare the country for its inevitable confrontation with the Axis.
In No End Save Victory, esteemed historian David Kaiser draws on extensive archival research to reveal the careful preparations that enabled the United States to win World War II. Alarmed by Germany and Japan’s aggressive militarism, Roosevelt understood that the United States would almost certainly be drawn into the conflict raging in Europe and Asia. However, the American populace, still traumatized by memories of the First World War, was reluctant to intervene in European and Asian affairs. Even more serious was the deplorable state of the American military. In September of 1940, Roosevelt’s military advisors told him that the US would not have the arms, ammunition, or men necessary to undertake any major military operation overseas—let alone win such a fight—until April of 1942. Aided by his closest military and civilian collaborators, Roosevelt pushed a series of military expansions through Congress that nearly doubled the size of the US Navy and Army, and increased production of the arms, tanks, bombers, and warships that would allow America to prevail in the coming fight.
Highlighting Roosevelt’s deft management of the strong personalities within his cabinet and his able navigation of the shifting tides of war, No End Save Victory is the definitive account of America’s preparations for and entry into World War II. As Kaiser shows, it was Roosevelt’s masterful leadership and prescience that prepared the reluctant nation to fight—and gave it the tools to win.
David E. Kaiser, born June 7, 1947, is an American historian whose published works have covered a broad range of topics, from European Warfare to American League Baseball. He was a Professor in the Strategy and Policy Department of the Naval War College from 1990 until 2012 and has also taught at Carnegie Mellon, Williams College(2006-7 and 2012-3), and Harvard University.
Memorial Day 2014 offers readers two versions of America’s entry into the Second World War: Nigel Hamilton's, The Mantle of Command: FDR at War, 1941-1942 and David Kaiser's No End Save Victory: How FDR Led the Nation into War. Both reach essentially the same conclusion, that Franklin D. Roosevelt’s unique vision and personal leadership skills more than anything else prepared the nation to fight and win the postwar peace. One, The Mantle of Command, is biographical while the other, No End Save Victory, is historical. The periods considered by the two books overlap, but are not identical; The Mantle of Command begins with the Atlantic Conference and ends with Operation TORCH, and No End Save Victory begins—briefly—with an overview of events after Versailles and ends with Pearl Harbor. Of the two, No End Save Victory is more scholarly and judicious while The Mantle of Command is hyperbolic and incendiary, although not without documented reason.
As demonstrated by another of his books, JFK: Reckless Youth, Hamilton excels at demolishing the reputations of public figures. In particular, The Mantle of Command is certain to offend admirers of Winston Churchill, Douglas MacArthur, George C. Marshall and Henry Stimson, while vindicating admirers of the president. Roosevelt, as Hamilton writes, consistently overruled or out-maneuvered opponents of his all-out strategy to defeat Nazi Germany and establish a postwar order based on the Four Freedoms while delaying as long as possible America’s entry in the war in order to prepare the nation materially and psychologically for battle. In so doing, he fended off the optimism and bellicosity of Churchill and Stimson and the pessimism of Marshall, tolerating the mendacity and arguable incompetence of MacArthur.
Beyond that, Hamilton’s characterizations of the other leaders are downright defamatory. Churchill was an incompetent military leader and imperialist, inalterably opposed to Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms, at least as far at the British Empire was concerned. MacArthur solicited bribes from the government of President Quezon and entertained notions of a coup d’état against Roosevelt. Marshall was blatantly anti-British, insisted on a premature invasion of France, and dragged his heels intentionally to sabotage the success of TORCH. Stimson aided and abetted Marshall’s “conspiracy” regarding TORCH, expressed defeatism regarding Britain’s ability to survive, and remorselessly excoriated FDR in private. Hamilton spares no sympathy for anyone but FDR, including Eleanor Roosevelt who, he reminds us, lived a separate life at Val Kill where she entertained “queer” visitors (not Hamilton’s invective).
Whereas Hamilton describes FDR’s military advisors as “mutinous,” Kaiser calls them “cautious,” which might also describe his approach to the subject. Kaiser demonstrated his chops as an historian in books like Politics & War: European Conflict from Philip II to Hitler. Like that earlier work, No End Save Victory will be of greater interest to the serious scholar than the general reader, although he agrees with Hamilton regarding the indispensible role played by Roosevelt. He unnecessarily frames his analysis in terms of an argument put forth by William Strauss and Neil Howe in their book, Generations: The History of America’s Future, 1584 to 2069, placing FDR and his contemporaries as members of the “Missionary” generation. I find this “generations” framework to be neither convincing nor useful, but to his credit, Kaiser at least attempts an analysis based on more than character assassination.
Kaiser, like Hamilton, provides an important correction to the historical record written by those who, unlike FDR, survived the war to tell about it, fluffing their own resumes while demeaning the role of the president (e.g., Winston Churchill). He persuasively argues that Roosevelt did not mislead the nation but rather frankly admitted as early as 1938 that a free America and totalitarian Germany could not co-exist on the same planet. Roosevelt was right and his advisors wrong about the inevitability of a two-front, world war, and the ability of Britain and the Soviet Union to withstand German aggression. The Tripartite Pact was an implicit declaration of war against the United States, and the president responded with alacrity to the world crisis. Admiral Kimmel was singularly responsible for the poor defense of Hawaii. Of particular interest to me is Kaiser’s repetition of Lynne Olson's claim in her book, Those Angry Days: Roosevelt, Lindbergh, and America's Fight over World War II, 1939-1941, that Hap Arnold was the source of the leaked “Victory Program” to the Chicago Tribune in December 1941.
So, take your pick. If you like sober scholarship over breathless biography, go with No End Save Victory; if you are looking for a quick read with “kiss-and-tell” personality conflicts, The Mantle of Command will entertain you this Memorial Day.
A well documented History of the World before the Second World War in terms of a more domestic point of view rather than an international one. Mr Kaiser clearly did his research and puts together a well informed history of this moment in our nations history. This could be considered a prequel to Nigel Hamilton's FDR at War Trilogy, but this this is still a masterful work. Well done.
A judicious, detailed and soundly researched history.... Kaiser has brought us a careful, nuanced, credible account of the events and complex issues surrounding America's entry into World War II, which, however historical fashions change, is likely to wear well over the years.
The best book I have read that covers American preparations for war in any detail. Kaiser does an excellent job explaining and illustrating the actions taken to prepare America for war and the pivotal role FDR played in those preparations. As a side benny he also puts to rest Wedemayer's self-propagated myth to have developed the American Victory Plan for WWII. This book is a must read for anybody who wants to understand how America got into the war and what we did to prepare for it. Excellent book.
Good book and easy read that lays out how FDR led the nation into and through WWII with a cabinet from both sides of the American political split between Democrats and Republicans. Also highlights how he balanced our relationships between allies. Recommended for the student of military history, strategic thinking, mobilizing the nation's industrial complex for war and peace, and leadership in crisis.
A fascinating and detailed examination of American attitudes and thinking in the years leading up to the Second World War. Kaiser gave a detailed chronicle of every discussion, every decision made in the White House, decisions that had significant impact upon the outcome of the conflict.
In his conclusion, Kaiser made the point that leaders of the current Boom generation have been falling short of those of Rossevelt's generation, what Kaiser referred to as the Missionary Generation.
At the end of his magnificent volume, the author wrote, "At some future date, new generations may well face a crisis like those of 1933 or 1940-1941. If they do, the achievements of Franklin Roosevelt and the rest of his generation will provide a much-needed inspiration."
Would we have leaders in our midst who would rise to these challenges?
Overall, this was a well-written book. I thought Kaiser had a good style that was fun to read. I felt that he did not have a "thesis" to this book, rather, favoring to focus in on FDR's role in taking our nation into WWII (as the title implies). I am not sure that I totally agree with his "prophet generation" ideas, although they do make for easy thinking about phases in American history. Kaiser also seems to subscribe to the "great man" ideas in history, focusing on only a few key players in the lead up to the US's involvement in WWII. Kaiser also believes that FDR could do not wrong, and paints him in an extremely favorable light.
Written by a former Naval War College historian, this book focuses on FDRs strategic vision and leadership, which prepared the US to enter WWII with plans not only to become the arsenal of democracy but also to destroy the Axis powers and emerge victorious.
There are thousands of ways to dice history--this book looks at the 23 months before the US entered WWII. The months leading up to the war were busy preparing for war--what the US didn't know was where it would be. Many believed Hitler would quickly take Britain, go into Spain and Northern Africa, across to Brazil and attack the US from there. Some believed Japan would attack the Philippines and we would have to defend our territory there. There was some talk of Pearl Harbor, but not enough.
Roosevelt had to manipulate Congress to get more funding, to approve Lend Lease, to build a bigger military. At the same time, there was a significant minority who thought we could stay out of the war and negotiate a new world with a Hilterian Europe.
If you're a WW II person, here is another look at preparation.
I don't remember when I first heard the accusation that Roosevelt had known ahead of time about the Japanese plan to attack Pearl Harbor. Given how fast the US found its war footing, I suppose the rumor wasn't hard for many people to believe. This book gives a lie to that notion.
Years before, Roosevelt had set in motion plans to secure the safety of the nation by making the people believe that his concern was only for the nation. The populace was more than willing to gear up war production if it was to protect its own borders. With that in mind, in 1938 he asked for $20 million for equipment for the Army and to complete the expansion of the Navy, as well as the building of three new battleships. In 1940, he would double the size of the Navy, as well as expand the Air Force.
But realizing that we could not win a two-front war on our own, Roosevelt also pushed through legislation, such as Lend-Lease, that would give aid to England, and, later, the USSR.
When Japan attacked Pearl Harbor, the country was not quite ready, but far more ready than it would have been without Roosevelt. To believe that he would have encouraged such an attack, is ludicrous.
This is only a small part of what is covered, the book going into great detail as it covers FDR's efforts during the years prior to the war. If you're looking for a general overview, this is not the book for you.
I liked this book. At least from the author's perspective, FDR had much greater understanding and vision than anyone else about the sequence and timing of events necessary for the U.S. to make a meaningful difference in securing a future for democracy. Although parts of the book get tedious - especially the seemingly never-ending battle with Congress to provide funds for ships and munitions - but it is necessary to fully understand the enormous number of pieces FDR needed to balance as we edged closer to conflict.
Overall, I wish the author had expanded on some of the key relationships with FDR. Instead, some of the surely interesting relational dynamics with FDR aren't explored. I was especially interested in the author's apparent perspective that FDR avoided conversation with Winston Churchill unless absolutely necessary...but Mr. Kaiser doesn't pursue this very far. I also was hoping for more on the early stages FDR's thoughts and actions around the potential of atomic energy. The author barely touches this, but I think it would have been interesting to explore this further - in terms of who gets brought into the circle and why.
Overall a good read, and I came away with an even more positive sense about FDR's ability to lead the U.S. to victory over the Axis.
This is a well researched book on how FDR made plans to fight the Axis powers during WWII. It was written in a chronological order with all the steps FDR made while balancing domestic politics which wanted to avoid going to war. Maybe it was just me, but the book seemed a little too dry and I found it to require more concentration than I would have anticipated. I also felt the author tended to put FDR on a pedestal where he could do little wrong and always was making the right decision at the right time. I did feel the book was better towards the end and found myself more involved. What the book does do quite well is show the chronological steps taken to prepare the USA for war. I would also suggest that if someone wants to get a good idea of the steps taken, you can read the first and last short sections of each chapter and get a very good idea of what happened. Then, you can go back into any chapter for more detail as you wish.
Fascinating and detailed study of the three years prior to Pearl Harbor when FDR and his team made decisions and plans that allowed the war to be won...if all those plans resulting in selective service, war planning, and industrial production hitting its high peak between July 1943 and July 1944 - it might have been a much harder longer war. You don't just turn out a battleship or carrier overnight even on three shifts a day. The generational concept was interesting, particularly in the epilog which finds the boomer generation wanting.
One of the best histories of FDR's leadership in preparing this country to not only defend this country, but to win the war with overwhelming industrial production and manpower.
I don't completely read a book about once every 4 years and this made that list. I actually stopped to make a cup of coffee twice in the first 75 pages, but sleep still won. Free to the first person who sends me postage.
Lots of interesting facts about an interesting time, but I couldn't find a compelling narrative to keep me engaged. Slightly disappointing, I had high hopes for this book.
Very well written account of the years just to prior to entry of the US into WWII, especially of FDR's efforts to prepare the country for entry into the war.