For those of us who grew up in the 1950s and 1960s in American suburbia, Elaine Tyler May’s Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era provides a walk down memory lane. While we all experienced the “duck and drop” drills at school and remember watching “I Love Lucy” and “Leave it to Beaver” on television, May has tied the international and domestic situations of the time together as cause and effect using her concepts of “containment” and “security.” She hypothesizes that when Truman proclaimed the doctrine of containment for international communism, the reaction of the American family was containment on the home front - containment of any dissent against the “American way of life” and containment of the fears created by a world fraught with uncertainty by a withdrawal into the nuclear family. She asserts, “With security as the common thread, the cold war ideology and the domestic revival reinforced one another.” (198) The United States looked for security from Soviet missiles, bombers, and nuclear warheads; the American family looked for security as well, from communists, homosexuals, divorce, childlessness, dissent, and nonconformity. “To alleviate these fears,” she contends, “Americans turned to the family as a bastion of safety in an insecure world.” (9)
While we hear politicians yearn for the “simpler” and “traditional” way of life of the 50s and 60s, it is intriguing to note that May considers the era an aberration rather than a time of normalcy. She asserts that the period, sandwiched between the roaring 20s, the depression, and the reawakening of activism in the late 60s and 70s, does not represent the benchmark for American culture, but an era unique in its own way. Nor does she view this era as a return to Victorian ethos; her examination of the sexual mores of the day reveals that there was a containment of sexual expression to within the marriage contract and nuclear family rather than a repression of sexuality.
May makes use of the Kelly Longitudinal Study (KLS) throughout the book. The KLS was a survey of the interaction between the ideals and the behavior of about six-hundred men and women who formed families during the 1940s and 1950s. E. Lowell Kelly, a psychologist at the University of Michigan, who was interested in the long-term personality development among married persons, conducted it. Of particular interest were the comments, written by the survey participants in their own words, describing their personal opinions about their satisfaction with their marriages and their sexuality. These comments, even more than the statistical data, seem to reveal that women were much less satisfied with the state of domestic affairs of the era. She makes the point that the nuclear family of the era, in spite of the nostalgia, may have not been as homogeneous as appears on the surface. While men went to often tedious and uninspiring jobs to fulfill their position as breadwinner for the family, women sometimes considered their “jobs” as homemaker and wife equally tedious and uninspiring. However, there was no other choice; married women who worked outside the home were ostracized and viewed with suspicion.
While she well documents the paucity of opportunities available to women during the postwar era, other than marriage and family, her wistful “what ifs” appear unscholarly. She bemoans the “widespread challenges to traditional gender roles” brought about by the Great Depression and the Second World War that “could have led to a restructured home.”(5) “If opportunities had expanded,” she laments, “the number of women holding jobs would have risen dramatically. Viable long-term job prospects for women might have prompted new ways of structuring family roles [italics mine:]” (57)
May does, however, thoroughly document and establish her thesis that “the evidence overwhelmingly indicates that postwar American society experienced a surge in family life and a reaffirmation of domesticity that rested on distinct roles for women and men.” (6) Beginning with her initial chapter about “domestic containment” during the cold war, she carefully traces the evolution of the American family from the Great Depression, through World War II, and to the postwar era, which is the focus of her work. While she would have hoped that American society might have looked at the resulting increase of women in the workforce as a fundamental change in postwar society, the fact is that the increased participation of women was viewed as a temporary situation in reaction to crisis. To her chagrin, the domesticity of women became the norm, and the man became the undisputed king of his castle.
May continues to tie her domestic and international “containment” theories together in the final chapter detailing the baby boomers’ coming of age. “As domestic containment began to crumble at home,” she maintains, “the antiwar movement gave rise to the first large-scale rejection of the containment policy abroad.” (210) She concludes, “It is clear that in the later years of the cold war, the domestic ideology and cold war militance rose and fell together.” (216)
May’s book is an important addition to scholarship on the era. It was well written, documented, and researched. Her inclusion of photos and posters help illustrate her points. She statistically documents her premises as well as including numerous case studies. For those of us whose intellects were formulated during the postwar era, her book helps us understand who we are and from whence we came.