A HISTORICAL AND DOCUMENTARY PERSPECTIVE ON ANCIENT AFRICA
Cheikh Anta Diop (1923-1986) was a historian, anthropologist, physicist, and politician who was involved in the freedom and nationalization movements in Africa.
He wrote in the Preface to this 1960 book, “Until now, the history of Black Africa has always been written with dates as dry as laundry lists, and no one has almost ever tried to find the key that unlocks the door to the intelligence, the understanding of African society. Failing which, no researcher has ever succeeded in revivifying the African past, in bringing it back to life in our minds, before our very eyes, so to speak, while remaining strictly within the realm of science. Yet the documents at our disposal allow us to do that practically without any break in continuity for a period of two thousand years, at least insofar as West Africa is concerned. Therefore, it had become indispensable to unfreeze… that African history which was … imprisoned in the documents. However, this work is not properly speaking a book of history; but it is an auxiliary tool… [which] affords [the historian] a scientific understanding of all the historical facts hitherto unexplained.
“In that sense, it is a study in African historical sociology. It permits us no longer to be surprised at the … relatively stable equilibrium of precolonial African societies: the analysis of their socio-political structures presented in it allowing us to gauge the stabilizing factors in African society… Thus, there is no longer any reason for embarrassment. Once this awareness is achieved, we can immediately and fully in almost every slightest detail relive all the aspects of African national life: the administrative, judicial, economic, and military organizations, that of labor, the technical level, the migrations and formations of peoples and nationalities, thus their ethnic genesis, and consequently almost linguistic genesis, etc. Upon absorbing any such human experience, we sense deep within ourselves a true reinforcement of our feeling of cultural oneness.”
He notes, “It has often been maintained, without production of any conclusive historical documents, that it was the Aryans themselves who created the caste system after having subjugated the Black aboriginal Dravidian populace. Had this been the case, the criterion of color should have been at its foundation: there should have been at most three castes, Whites, Blacks, and the gamut of crossbreeds. However, this is not the case, and in India also the castes effectively correspond to a division of labor, without any ethnic connotations.” (Pg. 12)
He states, “Without any doubt, these universalist ideas derived from the southern world and in particular from Egypt. A thousand years before the Greek thinkers, Socrates Plato, Zeno, etc., the Egyptians, with the reform of Amenophis IV, had clearly conceived the idea of a universal God responsible for creation, whom all men, without distinction, could adore: He was not the God of any particular tribe, nor of any city, or even any nation, but indeed the God of all humankind.” (Pg. 31-32)
He observes, “It would not be outside the framework or our main topic---the meaning of royalty---for us to examine the nature of this new power which has been inaccurately dubbed a ‘republic.’ To do this, it is indispensable that we trace the genesis of events and return to the village of Koki-Diop. We cannot be certain of the origins of the Diop clan, for, in the present state of research, it is difficult to trace their migration across Africa by relying on totemic names, for example. There is no doubt, however, that some Diops were to be found in Nubia…” (Pg. 69-70)
He explains, “Insofar as there exists a certain persistent tendency to allude to more or less mythical White conquerors to explain African civilizations, it is worthwhile to reestablish the truth strictly based on facts and documents, with regard to the relationship between White and Black cultures toward the close of the First Millennium---when Africa’s history was beginning just about everywhere… as early as the eighth century… Arab traders crossed the Sahara as far as the Sudan… Henceforth new connections, never again interrupted, were being forged with the outside, particularly the Arab Orient and the Mediterranean world. These first traders discovered that the Sudan was governed by a Black emperor whose capital was Ghana…” (Pg. 89-90)
He continues, “The white populations then inhabiting the land were under the strict authority of the Blacks… All the white minorities living in Africa might own Black slaves, but slaves and white masters alike were all subjects of a Black Emperor; they were all under the same African political power. No historian worth his salt can permit the obscuring of this politico-social context, so that only the one fact of Black slavery emerges from it.” (Pg. 90, 92)
He points out, “Africa, in the eyes of the specialists, is depicted as a land which prior to colonization was only at the level of a subsistence economy: the individual, virtually crushed by the force of nature, was able to produce only what he absolutely needed to survive. No creation, no activity reflecting a society freed from material constraints might be found there. Exchange relationships were governed by barter. Notions of money, credit … belong to a type of commerce connected with a higher economic organization: they could not have been found at the alleged level of African economy. Seldom has an opinion been so little founded on fact. This one arose from a preconceived idea of African societies: they had to be specifically primitive, therefore endowed in every respect with systems characteristic of such a condition.” (Pg. 130)
He comments, “After it contact with Africa, sixteenth-century Europe progressively lost the custom of internal slavery and, taking advantage of its superiority of arms, substituted Black slavery. After the contact with Europe, the last of Africa’s slaves suddenly got worse, since it them became possible for them to be sold to persons who would export them, with the whole chain of well-known evils entailed in these forced crossings. Slavery is the great chink in African social organization; but the documents available prove that the African slaves who were not deported in general enjoyed living conditions incomparably superior to those of white slaves in Europe. Slaves of the kings of Mali and the Askias of Gao enjoyed complete liberty of movement.” (Pg. 152-153)
He suggests, “in Black Africa to this very day, despite the formal doctrines of the Koran, there are no believers who dedicate themselves only to God and his Prophet; a third personage, the one known as his marabout, is needed by all laymen, from the masses up to the sovereign. The power of Islam was such that it might have eliminated or attenuated slavery in the Middle Ages if it had decreed that the enslavement of one man by another was a mortal sin.” (Pg. 168)
He summarizes, “Long before colonization, then, Black Africa had acceded to civilization. It might be argued that these centers of civilization were, for the most part, influenced by Islam, and that there was nothing original, nothing specifically African about them. All that has gone before allows us to evaluate that. Moreover, we have already stressed that Christian Europe at the time was no more original than Mohammedan Black Africa.” (Pg. 184-185)
This book will be of great interest to those studying the history of Africa.