When seventeenth-century Europeans founded sugar colonies in the Caribbean, they first cleared the land and built houses and roads. At that point, the number of black slaves was comparable to the number of whites, so the former got a chance to learn something like the language of the latter. Afterwards, the planters started cultivating the land, and for this they needed to bring a much larger number of slaves, who could outnumber the whites as much as 30 to 1. The latter group of slaves had no language in common, and they usually only got a chance to speak with the first group of slaves, and not with the whites, so they communicated in a much-broken-down form of English (or Dutch, or Spanish, or French). As every parent of a small child knows, in each generation children recreate the language of their parents, but here there was not much to recreate, so they created something anew. This is how the creole languages came into being: Haitian Creole, with 12 million speakers, Jamaican Patois, with 4 million speakers, and many more languages with hundreds of thousand or tens of thousands of speakers, mostly in the Caribbean but also in West Africa and the Hawaiian Islands. There are several interesting things about these languages. One is that depending on the speaker's social class and speech register, the speech can vary from something very close to the European language to something very far from it; the author recorded speech farthest from the standard European language from members of the "unrighteous working class." Another is that there are remarkable similarities in the grammar of all these languages: in the tense-modality-aspect system, in the article system, and in other morphological and syntactic features. Bickerton thinks that these are the "default" features of any grammar of a human language, which children create if they do not catch something else from their parents' speech. He dismisses the hypotheses that these features come from the substrata of the African languages spoken by the first slaves, because West African languages do not have them. He also dismisses the hypothesis that there was an original Afro-Portuguese contact language spoken around slave forts on the West African coast, from which all the creoles derive. There was in fact a Mediterranean sailors' language called Sabir; in Molière The Bourgeois Gentleman it is spoken by a fake Turk; but there is no evidence of a slave fort language. Even if the Afro-Portuguese language existed, the slaves did not stay in the forts long enough to pick it up, and even if they had, why would only its grammar be preserved in the creoles but not the vocabulary or the phonology?
I wonder if any linguist has ever compared the speech continuum between creoles and European languages (for example, between Haitian Creole and French) and that between the low register and the high register of Modern Hebrew. It is my understanding that their grammar is very different ("Nobody does [something]" is "af ekhad lo ose" in the former and "ish eyno ose" in the latter, is that right?).