This book focuses on how much Narendra Modi was a self-made politician and to what extent circumstances helped him in his remarkable political career. Though it covers his growth only till he became the Prime Minister in 2014, it gives enough indications that the man who was always loved as much as he was hated was destined for bigger things.
Having joined the RSS in 1971 as a teenager when he left home, Modi literally went through the grind, first to become a key functionary in the RSS, then in the BJP and finally in Gujarat politics.
That famous slur, chaiwallah, which stuck Modi before elections, actually served him well to project himself as an underdog in politics. It appears Modi not only prepared tea and served it to his fellow pracharaks in the RSS Bhavan in Delhi in the early days, he also did bartan, jadu, pocha (jocularly called BJP in a different context) and washed his mentor's clothes regularly.
From performing such modest tasks he went on to do slightly more respectable jobs like running errands for his seniors. Later, he was entrusted with editing work for the party journal and coordinating between the members for various activities.
By 1975 when the Emergency was imposed Modi was a well-known face in the RSS and like-minded organisations. He took part in protests and helped in networking with other members, tipped off protesters about police crackdowns and moved around Delhi in different disguises, including as a sardar ji!
In the 1980s he was mostly involved in RSS work and assiduously promoted his profile. Because he was relatively young and had already proven himself as a dependable footsoldier, Modi was regularly assigned tasks and he mostly carried them out to the satisfaction of their bosses.
In the 1990s he played an important role in organising Advani's rath yatra and later Murli Manohar Joshi's yatra. Ironically, he was far away from the site of action in Ayodhya when the Babri masjid was demolished. So he couldn't claim taking any active part in the activity!
In 1995 and thereafter there was much turmoil in Gujarat, and Modi displayed his political skills, playing one against the other in the tussle between the Keshubhai Patel group and Shankersinh Waghela faction. Though he was still a party man, he had considerable clout in the Keshubhai group and came to be known as the 'super Chief Minister' in the State.
If Modi in the 1980s and 1990s did the groundwork in the party and the RSS organization to become a go-to person, in the period after 1995 he started showing his ambition for power and post. By 1999 it became clear that Keshubhai Patel was an inept CM and the State needed a new face. And there was hot competition from Waghela and junior ministers in Keshubhai Patel's ministry for the CM post.
Modi worked his connections in the RSS and closeness with Advani to outwit his rivals to become the CM.
Modi was the first RSS pracharak to become the CM of a state without holding any position in the government. He also holds the distinction of becoming a CM before contesting his first election.
If Ayodhya was a turning point in India's cultural politics, the Godhra incident and the series of riots in Gujarat were an epochal moment that altered politics not only in the state but also across the country.
It is here the question as to what extent one's abilities as opposed to the circumstances that shape the future becomes crucial. Within months after Modi took over as CM the Godhra incident happened. The period was one of the darkest chapters in Gujarat. The previous CM, Keshubhai Patel, lost his chair because of his perceived inability to handle crises like the cyclone, floods and the earthquake during his tenure.
But Modi faced even graver moment. The riots left more than 1,000 dead and rendered thousands homeless. The international press and opposition within the country were baying for his blood. Modi withstood all this and went on to win elections thrice and prepared the ground for making a pitch for PM post. How did he manage it? The book gives some insightful information, but the point is that Modi has the ability to turn his adversity into an advantage.
Post Godhra, there has been discussions whether Gujarat was more prone to communal politics than other states and if this helped Modi take advantage of it. The argument is that Modi deftly converted the anger against his administration into hatred against the Hindus in the State and consolidated his vote bank.
This argument is partly true because Hindus rallied behind him more after the riots. And with no viable opposition party in Gujarat, the BJP could win consecutively three elections under Modi, though with lesser number of seats. The last time a Congress government completed its term in the state was in 1985.
But the larger point is how did Modi go on to capture Delhi in 2014 with all the baggage? Again it is a weak Congress that is partly to blame, but Modi led the party to a bigger victory in 2019. And a third time is not out of his bounds.
Critics are hoping that the virus will end his dream run!