THE CONTROVERSIAL REJECTION OF THE QUALITY OF MEAD’S SAMOA RESEARCH
Anthropologist Derek Freeman wrote in the Preface to this 1983 book, “[Franz] Boas sent the 23-year-old Mead to Samoa to study adolescence, and she returned with a startling conclusion. Adolescence was known in America and Europe as a time of emotional stresses and conflicts. If, as Mead argued, these problems were caused by the biological processes of maturation, then they would necessarily be found in all human societies. But in Samoa, she reported… adolescence was the easiest and most pleasant time of life… When [Mead’s] ‘Coming of Age in Samoa’ was published in 1928 it attracted immense attention, and its apparently conclusive findings swiftly entered anthropological lore as a jewel of a case… It is with the critical examination of this very widely accepted conclusion that I am concerned in this book.. In this book I adduce detailed empirical evidence to demonstrate that Mead’s account of Samoan culture and character is fundamentally in error… the depictions on which Mead based this assertion are, in varying degree, mistaken.” (Pg. xi-xiii)
He acknowledges, “my refutation of Mead’s depiction of Samoa appears some years after her death. In November 1964, however, when Dr. Mead visited the Australian National University, I informed her very fully, during a long private conversation, of the empirical basis of my disagreement with her depiction of Samoa. From that time onward we were in correspondence, and in August 1978… I offered to send her an early draft of my refutation of the conclusions she had reached … I received no reply to this offer before Dr. Mead’s death in November of that year.” (Pg. xvi)
He points out, “During her stay in Manu’a, Mead did not have ‘any political participation in village life,’ as there was in Manu’a in the 1920s a strict prohibition against any woman participating in any of the chiefly assemblies in which decisions were made… Faced by these severe disadvantages, Mead was compelled, in her study of many of the fundamental aspects of Samoan life, to ‘completely rely on informants.’” (Pg. 71)
He asserts, “This study … was… an impossibly difficult problem to foist upon a graduate student as sparsely experienced as was the twenty-three-year-old Margaret Mead… For one thing… Mead lacked any systematic training in biology, and was thus by no means scientifically equipped to investigate the subtle and complex interaction, in Samoan behavior, of biological and cultural variables… Indeed, a critical reading of Mead’s writings on Samoa reveals that she did not, at any time… carry out any systematic comparison of hereditary and environmental conditions. Thus… she was in no position to analyze the nature of the interaction between genetic and exogenetic variables in the behavior of Samoan adolescents.” (Pg. 75-76)
He states, “It was Mead’s view in 1925 that a trained student could ‘master the fundamental structure of a primitive society in a few months’… she had no compunction despite the cursoriness of her inquiries, in constructing her own picture of Samoan culture and character. It is with the scientific adequacy of Mead’s picture of Samoan society that I shall be concerned from now on, for to the extent that this picture is defective, Samoa ceases to be a negative instance and Mead’s central conclusion that culture, or nurture, is all-important in the determination of adolescent and other aspects of human behavior is revealed as ungrounded and invalid.” (Pg. 83)
He notes, “Mead’s statements that there were no temples and no religious festivals in pagan Samoa are directly contradicted by the historical evidence… The ancient Samoans… quite contrary to Mead’s assertions, were a highly religious people with a system of religion which was… essentially similar to that of pagan Tikpoia.” (Pg. 179) Later, he adds, “Mead… was plainly in error in generalizing that in Manu’a in 1925-1926 ‘no one’ became ‘a church member until after marriage’; nor is there any substantive evidence for her assertion that premarital promiscuity on the part of female adolescents was passively accepted by the ‘religious authorities’ in Manu’a. Rather… the female adolescents … lived in a moralistic society that specifically interdicted premarital sexual intercourse.” (Pg. 186)
He comments, “It is understandable, then, why Samoans are perturbed by Mead’s depiction of them as a people for whom free lovemaking is ‘expected’ among adolescent girls, so that the Samoans have come to be classed in the literature of anthropology as ‘one of the best known cases of institutionalized premarital sexuality.’ This conclusion is indeed … preposterously at variance with the realities of Samoan life…” (Pg. 240)
Ultimately, he suggests, “The explanation most consistently advanced by the Samoans themselves for the magnitude of the errors in her depiction of their culture in and particular of their sexual morality is… ‘that Mead’s informants must have been telling lies to tease her.’” (Pg. 289-290) [Freeman, of course, advances this position in his follow-up book, ‘The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: A Historical Analysis of Her Samoan Research.’]
Obviously a controversial book, it should probably be read in conjunction with contrary views (e.g., Paul Shankman’s ‘The Trashing of Margaret Mead’). Nevertheless, this provocative book will be “must reading” for those interested in this controversy.