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The Human Spark: The Science of Human Development
As infants we are rife with potential. For a short time, we have before us a seemingly infinite number of developmental paths. Soon, however, we become limited to certain paths as we grow into unique products of our genetics and experience. But what factors account for the variation -- in skills, personalities, values -- that results? How do experiences shape what we bring into the world?
In The Human Spark , pioneering psychologist Jerome Kagan offers an unflinching examination of personal, moral, and cultural development that solidifies his place as one of the most influential psychologists of the past century. In this definitive analysis of the factors that shape the human mind, Kagan explores the tension between biology and the environment. He reviews major advances in the science of development over the past three decades and offers pointed critiques and new syntheses. In so doing, Kagan calls out the shortcomings of the modern fad for neuroscience, shows why theories of so-called attachment parenting are based on a misinterpretation of research, and questions the field's reflexive tendency to pathologize the behavior of the young. Most importantly, he reminds us that a life, however influenced by biology and upbringing, is still a tapestry to be woven, not an outcome to be endured.
A profound exploration of what is universal and what is individual in human development, The Human Spark is the result of a scientist's lifelong quest to discover how we become who we are. Whether the reader is a first-time parent wondering what influence she, her genes, and the wider world will have on her child; an educator seeking insight into the development of her students; or simply a curious soul seeking self-knowledge, Kagan makes an expert and companionable guide.
In The Human Spark , pioneering psychologist Jerome Kagan offers an unflinching examination of personal, moral, and cultural development that solidifies his place as one of the most influential psychologists of the past century. In this definitive analysis of the factors that shape the human mind, Kagan explores the tension between biology and the environment. He reviews major advances in the science of development over the past three decades and offers pointed critiques and new syntheses. In so doing, Kagan calls out the shortcomings of the modern fad for neuroscience, shows why theories of so-called attachment parenting are based on a misinterpretation of research, and questions the field's reflexive tendency to pathologize the behavior of the young. Most importantly, he reminds us that a life, however influenced by biology and upbringing, is still a tapestry to be woven, not an outcome to be endured.
A profound exploration of what is universal and what is individual in human development, The Human Spark is the result of a scientist's lifelong quest to discover how we become who we are. Whether the reader is a first-time parent wondering what influence she, her genes, and the wider world will have on her child; an educator seeking insight into the development of her students; or simply a curious soul seeking self-knowledge, Kagan makes an expert and companionable guide.
352 pages, Hardcover
First published June 4, 2013
13 people are currently reading
321 people want to read
About the author
Jerome Kagan
83 books85 followersJerome Kagan was an American psychologist, who was the Daniel and Amy Starch Research Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, as well as, co-faculty at the New England Complex Systems Institute. He was one of the key pioneers of developmental psychology.
Kagan has shown that an infant's "temperament" is quite stable over time, in that certain behaviors in infancy are predictive of certain other behavior patterns in adolescence. He did extensive work on temperament and gave insight on emotion.
In 2001, he was listed in the Review of General Psychology among the one hundred most eminent psychologists of the twentieth century. After being evaluated quantitatively and qualitatively, Kagan was twenty-second on the list, just above Carl Jung.
Kagan has shown that an infant's "temperament" is quite stable over time, in that certain behaviors in infancy are predictive of certain other behavior patterns in adolescence. He did extensive work on temperament and gave insight on emotion.
In 2001, he was listed in the Review of General Psychology among the one hundred most eminent psychologists of the twentieth century. After being evaluated quantitatively and qualitatively, Kagan was twenty-second on the list, just above Carl Jung.
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Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews
November 2, 2013
One thing I appreciated was Kagan acknowledges the power of our ideas and belief on our behavior. The fact that ones worldview has sway on how they live, is something so incredibly obvious, but from most science/pyschological books I've come across, one wouldn't think so. Many today act as if it is all a neat little mix of genes and environment that accounts for who we are. But yeah, the author does an excellent job showing how complex everything is, bringing things to light that so many other author's completely ignore.
Kagan is rather opposed to any kind of determinism which was refreshing. Pointing out there is yet to be anyway to make sure predictions of how a child will turn out based upon their genes and environment. Plenty grow up in horrible environments and yet show great resilience, endurance and strength of character and the opposite is true too, as of yet there is nothing we can conclusively point to, to explain why, indeed, every theory has leaks. There are so many factors that shape us, so many little random and unforeseeable events that can alter ones life. And on top of this, one can't predict how someone will interpret the events that happen or how they'll respond to these events, which depends upon their past experience, personality, beliefs, mood, worldview, etc... etc... etc....
I liked how Kagan exposed many problems with frequently sighted psychological studies, demonstrating examples of how much ones situation matters. He showed how slight tweaks in the environment where a study is preformed can change the outcome.
He showed the folly of putting to much credence in studies that rely solely upon what people write in response to survey questions. For example, people lie consciously and unintentionally, and subtle changes in the wording of a question can result in utterly contrary answers.
He made some wonderful points countering a movement that tries to claim all social misbehavior is the result of neurological malfunctions. For example some like David Eaglemen give me the impression that they believe crime is merely a result of a sick brain. That people are not personally responsible, for they couldn't have done otherwise (They still may need to be locked up). To support this they show examples of those who were fine before something went wrong in their brain, later wigged out and did tons of horrible things due to a tumor or brain disease. Kagan points out that multitudes with the same brain ailment don't commit crimes and tons of folks without the brain disease commit crimes. So indeed, things are not as conclusive as these over-eager to change the justice system scientist want to admit.
There is a lot more, like his fascinating treatment of temperament and personality. This is definitely a book I want to revisit.
Kagan is rather opposed to any kind of determinism which was refreshing. Pointing out there is yet to be anyway to make sure predictions of how a child will turn out based upon their genes and environment. Plenty grow up in horrible environments and yet show great resilience, endurance and strength of character and the opposite is true too, as of yet there is nothing we can conclusively point to, to explain why, indeed, every theory has leaks. There are so many factors that shape us, so many little random and unforeseeable events that can alter ones life. And on top of this, one can't predict how someone will interpret the events that happen or how they'll respond to these events, which depends upon their past experience, personality, beliefs, mood, worldview, etc... etc... etc....
I liked how Kagan exposed many problems with frequently sighted psychological studies, demonstrating examples of how much ones situation matters. He showed how slight tweaks in the environment where a study is preformed can change the outcome.
He showed the folly of putting to much credence in studies that rely solely upon what people write in response to survey questions. For example, people lie consciously and unintentionally, and subtle changes in the wording of a question can result in utterly contrary answers.
He made some wonderful points countering a movement that tries to claim all social misbehavior is the result of neurological malfunctions. For example some like David Eaglemen give me the impression that they believe crime is merely a result of a sick brain. That people are not personally responsible, for they couldn't have done otherwise (They still may need to be locked up). To support this they show examples of those who were fine before something went wrong in their brain, later wigged out and did tons of horrible things due to a tumor or brain disease. Kagan points out that multitudes with the same brain ailment don't commit crimes and tons of folks without the brain disease commit crimes. So indeed, things are not as conclusive as these over-eager to change the justice system scientist want to admit.
There is a lot more, like his fascinating treatment of temperament and personality. This is definitely a book I want to revisit.
June 25, 2023
Outlines developmental stages. Explains variation by nature and nurture. Takes fun swipes at social science methods, reductionist neuroscience, moralistic agendas.
August 13, 2016
An elder statesman of psychology here gathers his thoughts on not just human development, but studies of human development and indeed the field of psychology itself. He makes a strong case for temperament predicting personality first and foremost, with overall context (especially family socioeconomic status) coming in second.
Particular parenting practices, like the emphasis on a 'secure attachment,' seem to him to have little evidence behind them, and instead are simply a product of their era. "When middle-class women were freed of the responsibility of gathering wood, picking berries, and weeding vegetable plots, society gave them the responsibility of shaping their infant's future. At the same time, the children of the bourgeoisie had lost much of their economic value to the family and had become psychological investments whose dividends were the enhancement of family pride." (126-7)
He talks a lot about societal change over the last 50-100 years and how that has affected moral development, self-concept, and the sense of belonging. "Citizens living in societies with a great deal of religious and ethnic diversity are forced to question the absolute truth of any ethical value, making reliance on private conscience more attractive." (159)
Similarly, he argues that "conditions in contemporary society...deprive the current generation of a way to assure themselves of their virtue without the help of others. This feeling used to be possible through the imposition of restraints on temptations...Today's goals, which include gaining more friends, ascending in status, acquiring a promotion, and accumulating wealth, require the cooperation of others..I suspect that when most adolescents or adults complain of loneliness it is because they are uncertain about the values they should treat as absolutely binding." (188-9)
"Many Tea Party members regard their membership in the categories Protestant, white, and American as a source of pride...It is not surprising that large numbers of white Protestants tell pollsters they are angry at the government's encroachment on their freedom. However, I suspect that the more fundamental reason for their frustration, which is probably less conscious, is that the groups with whom they identify have lost some of their status, respect, and power that had been sources of vicarious pride." (98-99)
For instance in treating mental illness Kagan describes how "patients improve in psychotherapy when...the patient and therapist agree on the cause of the patient's distress...the patient and therapist share the same belief about the best therapeutic regimen...and, finally, patients respect and like their therapist, assume that he or she sincerely cares about them, and most important, believe that the therapeutic regimen will be effective." Given that additional studies of therapeutic interventions tend to show less dramatic benefits than initial studies, Kagan says "if and when research reveals that one of these therapies, or any other novel therapy, is less effective than promised, or not effective with every patient, both therapist and patient will lose faith in the power of the regimen and the mutual commitment required for cure will be diluted." (252-3) So a sort of self-fulfilling prophecy.
Particular parenting practices, like the emphasis on a 'secure attachment,' seem to him to have little evidence behind them, and instead are simply a product of their era. "When middle-class women were freed of the responsibility of gathering wood, picking berries, and weeding vegetable plots, society gave them the responsibility of shaping their infant's future. At the same time, the children of the bourgeoisie had lost much of their economic value to the family and had become psychological investments whose dividends were the enhancement of family pride." (126-7)
He talks a lot about societal change over the last 50-100 years and how that has affected moral development, self-concept, and the sense of belonging. "Citizens living in societies with a great deal of religious and ethnic diversity are forced to question the absolute truth of any ethical value, making reliance on private conscience more attractive." (159)
Similarly, he argues that "conditions in contemporary society...deprive the current generation of a way to assure themselves of their virtue without the help of others. This feeling used to be possible through the imposition of restraints on temptations...Today's goals, which include gaining more friends, ascending in status, acquiring a promotion, and accumulating wealth, require the cooperation of others..I suspect that when most adolescents or adults complain of loneliness it is because they are uncertain about the values they should treat as absolutely binding." (188-9)
"Many Tea Party members regard their membership in the categories Protestant, white, and American as a source of pride...It is not surprising that large numbers of white Protestants tell pollsters they are angry at the government's encroachment on their freedom. However, I suspect that the more fundamental reason for their frustration, which is probably less conscious, is that the groups with whom they identify have lost some of their status, respect, and power that had been sources of vicarious pride." (98-99)
For instance in treating mental illness Kagan describes how "patients improve in psychotherapy when...the patient and therapist agree on the cause of the patient's distress...the patient and therapist share the same belief about the best therapeutic regimen...and, finally, patients respect and like their therapist, assume that he or she sincerely cares about them, and most important, believe that the therapeutic regimen will be effective." Given that additional studies of therapeutic interventions tend to show less dramatic benefits than initial studies, Kagan says "if and when research reveals that one of these therapies, or any other novel therapy, is less effective than promised, or not effective with every patient, both therapist and patient will lose faith in the power of the regimen and the mutual commitment required for cure will be diluted." (252-3) So a sort of self-fulfilling prophecy.
March 25, 2014
This book was not what I expected at all. I thought it would be a study about how babies' brains developed, but that was simply a skeleton on which the author hung various criticisms of the social sciences of the day. While at first, it was refreshing to hear someone expressing some of the doubts I have had before, it quickly became pretty repetitive. About halfway through, the author started to focus on morality, and the potentially subjective nature of it. I could tell there that we did not agree on how to define morality, which I was able to set aside for the moment. What I could not set aside was the fact that he used the word "amoral," instead of the word "immoral." An amoral act requires an actor that does not possess a sense of morality, whereas an immoral act is one which is judged wrong. Perhaps it's a pet peeve of mine, but it took me completely out of the book and soured my experience for the remainder of the book. Since further issues in the book hinged upon moral judgements, that was tedious. There were some interesting ideas about mental illness, and how they might be current moral judgements in many ways, since what constitutes an illness is determined by the moral and sociological judgements of whoever controls the DSM IV. The book was not a complete waste, and there were some interesting ideas, there, but it was nowhere near what I thought I was getting, or was interested in hearing. It was also rather academic in tone, which is not a problem for me, but might be for some. It was not terribly engaging for a mass audience. Overall, unless you are interested in a critique of the social sciences, I wouldn't recommend it.
March 16, 2016
An intriguingly contrarian work of (mostly social) psychology. Whether you agree with his views or not (I found myself agreeing with--or at least considering--a number of them and merely taking note of others), having such a strong and reasoned voice of skepticism examining fundamental tenants of psychology should be welcome in a science. And there were many great points here that were not contrarian. I thoroughly enjoyed it.
March 15, 2014
I only got to page 76 because I stopped when I got this passage:
"If a child's semantic networks and schemata for nature are linked to the network for female, we might speculate that an intense curiosity about the natural world reflects, in part, a deep curiosity about women who, in the average child's mind, are more mysterious than men. Mothers and wives are far more affectionate, trusting, and self-sacrificing than fathers and men, and they hide their mysterious sexuality behind a mound of hair."
Ummm, yeah. Not buying the "science" behind this book as it's way too Freudian and not actual science.
"If a child's semantic networks and schemata for nature are linked to the network for female, we might speculate that an intense curiosity about the natural world reflects, in part, a deep curiosity about women who, in the average child's mind, are more mysterious than men. Mothers and wives are far more affectionate, trusting, and self-sacrificing than fathers and men, and they hide their mysterious sexuality behind a mound of hair."
Ummm, yeah. Not buying the "science" behind this book as it's way too Freudian and not actual science.
November 25, 2014
This is a book that I had to read a few pages and then digest, as with many works of academic literature. Some themes were familiar, as Kagan drew upon the founding theorists of child/human development, including his own work. He did an excellent job of providing valid points as to why some theories are now outdated. What was especially interesting was his discussion of unquantifiable data (i.e. emotions) and the issue with most qualitative research in the field being conducted primarily through surveys. If you have the time and seek a deeper understanding of humans, it's a great read.
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May 27, 2014155 K119 2013
Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews