If one spends most of one’s time at home (even if asleep a good deal of that time) and the second biggest block of time at work, that means home is your first place and work is your second place. What then, is your third place? The third place is the social venue where one has informal interaction with a group of regulars and potential newcomers such that one experiences novelty, perspective, spiritual uplift, and friends by the set (as opposed to befriending individuals). It is an enriching crossroads of culture but one that seems to be vanishing (pp. 43-44). Hence, sociologist Ray Oldenburg offered the landmark study on the “third place,” The Great Good Place in that last few years of the 20th century. If anything, his survey is more needed today than when it was initially published.
One reason we need third places is because our first and second places both have constant populations such that they lose diversity and “…people come to expect too much from too few people in a duality of settings in which surprise, adventure, risk, and excitement are alien commodities.” (p. 45) Such should not be the case in a third place that harbors a diverse population where people are accepted and liked by those from many different walks of life. “For all the persiflage, silliness, unresolved arguments, joking, and banter of third places, an outlook on life is asserted there and, because it evolves from a disinterest impossible in home and work settings, it is a particularly valuable one.” (p. 51)
Oldenburg goes on to explain third places by the German word, Gemutlich (the “u” actually has an umlaut), referring to the inclusive nature of the group (p. 56). He calls “associations” and interest groups the “instant community” idea for the automobile culture, but points out that there is no base and no sense of place in those groups (p. 61). Third places, then, provide space for affiliation and friendship by the aforementioned “set.” (p. 63) This “set” is large enough to provide the bonus of a sense of belonging without the requirement of individual emotional output (p. 64).
Indeed, Oldenburg counts the diminishment of public places capable of providing “third places” as particularly ironic in the United States of America where the taverns provided a democratic forum which functioned as a catalyst for the American Revolution, taverns where ‘there existed that full and free interplay of spontaneous and responsible group association which appears to be a necessary condition of a healthy social order.” (p. 67, quoting Carl and Jesse Bridenbaugh) As a result of this diminishment of public space, we are better informed of global than local affairs. Hence, the j’accuse that we ‘live in the hole of an informational doughnut.’ (p. 70) I also liked the little tidbit where the book reminds us that the Greek word from which we get idiot applies to those who only understood their private worlds and didn’t understand the way they connected to society (p. 71).
I didn’t appreciate his indictment of the Protestant (and Puritan) church as seeking “to ensure the life of the church over the life of the community.” (p. 74) I didn’t appreciate it because an inclusive, growing, and active church is precisely the kind of “third place” for which Oldenburg advocates. To be sure, my experiences in ministering to English Ministries of “immigrant” churches may color my perspective but I know that these types of churches have informal, playful, insightful, and encouraging conversations, relationships, and activities (social and recreational, as well as spiritual) and that many are open to Caucasians and those of ethnic minorities as well. It is ironic that Oldenburg counts out the local church and I personally suggest that it is probably because the churches with which he is familiar are primarily Sunday AM only congregations with little or no interaction through the week. But he’s probably right that much of the church’s earlier ranting about “keeping the Sabbath” by limiting amusements and public gatherings was largely a matter of taking care of the pastor’s livelihood (p. 100).
This reflects a historical tension between church and recreation. Oldenburg quotes that iconic social worker in Chicago, Jane Addams, as stating, “Since the soldiers of Cromwell shut up the people’s playhouses and destroyed their pleasure fields, the Anglo-Saxon city has turned over the provision for public recreation to the most evil-minded and most unscrupulous members of the community.” (p. 220) Citing U.S. cities with limited municipal swimming facilities because most of the planners and councilpersons have private pools, Oldenburg questions our current value system for public places of any kind, much less the conversational third places for which he advocates.
On the other hand, he seems dead on when he states that the mass media (and presumably, in the last decade, the narrow-cast pages of the web) provide so much entertainment and information that they encourage people to stay at home. Since “time spent in isolation is time lost to affiliation” this means a drop in social capital (p. 77). He also compares the authorities at the workplace (second place) unfavorably with the authorities at the “third place” by citing an old Latin proverb, Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum (“Nothing is cruder (lit. rougher) than a humble [person] lifted to a height.”), and suggesting that the gatekeepers of the “third place” earn their place by common accord and approbation (p. 78).
Another insightful case is made when Oldenburg observes that U.S. citizens have become satisfied with an attitude that public spaces aren’t owned by anyone as opposed to being the communal property of everyone. As a result, we do a poor job of taking care of our public spaces, expecting governmental employees or contractors to pick up our messes (p. 83).
The amazing thing about “third places” all over the world is how many of them are based on serving alcohol: German beer gardens that spawned interest groups which formed drama clubs, debating societies, singing groups, volunteer fire departments, etc. (pp. 103-4); English pubs where “three-fourths of the drinking done in England still takes place in public settings…” (p. 123); French bistros, also known as the “clubs of the poor” (p. 146), providing something of another office for writers and planners; and American taverns and saloons on the frontier that provided the “melting pots for an ethnically diverse population.” (p. 166) It must have something to do with the talking-drinking synergism (p. 167). A survey conducted in 1974 indicated that tavern regulars drink far less than one would expect—45% only consuming one drink during a visit but staying a lengthy period to talk (p. 168). As the book quotes Kenneth Davids, “Every social lubricant has its home away from home, its church, as it were…” (p. 183)
There was also some interesting history. I always wondered about the early closing hours in England. I didn’t realize that the culture changed at the beginning of World War I in order to increase worker productivity (p. 137). It’s actually ironic that countries like those in Europe (Western Europe, at least) where there is lots of public consumption of alcohol, there is a negative correlation between drunkenness and the number of pubs in various regions of England (p. 159).
Of course, The Great Good Place would also suggest the classic coffeehouses of the 17th-19th centuries in both England and Austria. Not only did the coffeehouses spawn insurance agencies and stock exchanges in the former, but it is also credited with being a source of news and “education.” As Oldenburg quotes a late 17th century poet:
“So great a Universitie
I think there ne’er was any
In which you may a scholar be
For spending of a Penny.” (p. 185)
Of course, the English coffeehouse of that era wasn’t universally approved because they were the exclusive domain of males. As a result,
I was amused to read about The Women’s Petition Against Coffee as being responsible for the emasculation of the English male (p. 187). Some have speculated that this hostility toward the coffeehouse culture may have inspired the adoption of “tea” as the more important ritual beverage in the English lifestyle than coffee (p. 188).
In the German-Austrian tradition, those who regularly frequent one of the classic Viennese-style coffeehouses is known as a Stammgast (lit. “root” or “trunk” customer) and their regular table (as well as those who sit at it) are known as the Stammtisch (“root” table), a close-knit group with an unstated but obvious proviso that visitors need not apply (p. 195). Rather, one must be invited to that table. As an aside, this does happen in U.S. establishments. For years, the business of Chicago (both licit and illicit) was handled at a particular table in a particular restaurant near the center of power where representatives of the “Outfit” (aka “mafia”) met with representatives of the politicians. In addition, I remember visiting a small restaurant in a Southwestern town of less than 700 people where there was a Stammtisch that met regularly each morning and to which table one must be “invited” to sit.
In the last third of the book, Oldenburg presents his view of the progressively hostile environment toward “third places” in the United States. He notes that “third places” are generally “older” structures where the regulars can insinuate themselves and loiter, lounge, or hang out (depending on how you view such behavior), but all urban planning and zoning restrictions tend to discourage the social use of establishments from having an informal public life (pp. 204, 218). So “places” have been replaced by “newer” structures which the author calls “nonplaces” because of their sterility and lack of opportunity for leisurely interaction (p. 205). This sterilization is blamed on two factors: failure to consult those who might use the facilities and imitation of the same basic designs (p. 208). For example, note his cautionary word on venues designed specifically for children: “Whenever anyone takes the trouble to monitor the use that is made (or not made) of places created especially for children, the results usually indicate that the basic idea may be wrong.” (p. 280) Venues designed just for children tend to sit vacant and unused.
This is why citizens of the U.S. are estimated to spend 90% of their leisure time in their homes (my emphasis, but quoted from p. 214), a difficult way to experience cross-pollenization of ideas, indeed. And, while single-use facilities may be efficient for straightforward production uses, it doesn’t really work well for effective socialization (p. 215).
Remember, of course, that Oldenburg is a sociologist. As a result, at the very time he is lauding the value of same-sex “third places” in terms of solidifying gender roles and assisting acculturation, he drops a tidbit about romance and attraction that I’ve shared with others but not worded as well. “…sexual contact represents a spark of intensely erotic interest that bridges a gap between partners. The gap results from conflicts, tensions, antagonisms, or barriers that tend to keep potential partners apart. The principle is a simple one: no gaps, no sparks.” (p. 250) Another intriguing sociological canapé was his observation that marriage and family textbooks now refer to childfree couples rather than childless couples, making a virtue out of what was once seen as unfulfilled (p. 266).
In summary, the thesis can be advanced, “Eventually Americans will learn that the fast and hectic pace of urban life is not due to modernity but to bad urban planning.” (p. 287) As an individual, I couldn’t agree more. I do hope, however, that virtual communities (I place a higher value on them than Oldenburg, even though they were quite nascent when this book was originally published.) will actually stimulate the re-thinking of “actual” communities. We need “third places” to revitalize our sense of communities, togetherness, commitment, and creativity.