As a Rand Corporation analyst and former advisor to the US Special Operations Command in Afghanistan, Seth Jones is well-equipped to offer expansive thoughts about counterterrorism strategy. His latest book, Hunting in the Shadows, is a survey of the struggle of the US and Europe against al Qa’ida and its affiliates from 1998-2011. Jones frames the West’s battle with terrorism as a series of three waves in which al Qa’ida’s effectiveness, popularity among Muslims, and organizational structure have varied considerably. This broad framework is somewhat useful for conceptualizing the conflict between al Qaida and the West, but his argument breaks down in several areas where he overlooks key details in favor of preserving his grander narratives and explanations.
The bulk of the book covers al Qa’ida plots and American efforts to counter them. Jones draws from declassified government documents and recently released court records from terrorism cases to create thrilling and detailed narratives that give the reader a vivid sense of the tactics and tools employed by both sides. He structures these episodes of terrorism into three waves. The first wave started with al Qa’ida’s attacks on the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, reached its apex on 9/11, and declined when the US invaded Afghanistan, capturing and killing many al Qa’ida operatives and denying them a valuable sanctuary. The second wave began in 2003 as al Qa’ida used the unpopular US invasion of Iraq to rally Muslims to their banner, launch attacks against the US and its European allies, and carve out a new base of power in Iraq. By 2007, al Qa’ida’s fortunes declined again as Muslims in Iraq and elsewhere rejected its brutality and radicalism and Western counterterrorism units foiled a number of plots. The third wave grew from 2008-2011 as al Qaida’s morphed into a more decentralized, flexible network and launched a new wave of plots against the US and Europe. Jones contends that this wave crashed in 2011 with increased counterterrorism efforts and the killings of prominent terrorists such as Osama bin Laden and Anwar al-Awlaki.
After rearranging these episodes of terrorism into a grand framework, Jones identifies three main factors that explain the ebbing and flowing of terrorism in this period and predict whether a “fourth wave” will erupt. The first factor is American counterterrorism strategy. Jones argues that the US has been most successful in rooting terrorist groups out of safe haven and disrupting their operations when it follows a “light footprint” approach that relies on “covert intelligence, law enforcement, and the use of special operations forces to conduct precision targeting of al Qa’ida and its financial and logistical support network.” He cites the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 as an example of this counterterrorism strategy. In contrast, when the US has used large numbers of conventional troops in places like Iraq, it has provoked a popular backlash that has aided al Qa’ida. The second factor in determining the rise or decline of al Qa’ida local governments establish basic security and governance in order to deny terrorists safe havens in unstable areas. Jones duly notes that most of al Qa’ida’s affiliates have formed in poorly governed states, such Yemen, Somalia, or Iraq during the US occupation. The third factor is whether or not al Qa’ida pursues a “punishment strategy” in which they frequently use violence against civilians, especially Muslim civilians. Jones charts al Qa’ida’s popularity in polls of ordinary Muslims and among leading clerics to show that when they has been too indiscriminately violent, their approval has plunged and their recruit base has dwindled. He cites the immediate aftermath of 9/11 and the anti-al Qa’ida Sunni Awakening in Iraq as examples.
Jones’ book will make compelling reading for beginners in the study of terrorism, but experts will find problems with his somewhat simplistic model and his overlooking of key details. The most glaring problem relates to his claim that the light footprint strategy is the best approach to counterterrorism. This claim overlooks the fact that in major conflicts like Iraq and Afghanistan, the US has fought hybrids wars, requiring elements of counterterrorism and counterinsurgency to be employed simultaneously. For example, Jones praises the US light footprint strategy in Afghanistan from 2001-2003 for effectively uprooting al Qa’ida while not provoking a popular backlash. The problem here is that the lack of American soldiers in Afghanistan in the early parts of the war required the US to rely on violent, self-interested warlords to hunt terrorists and provide security. As South Asian scholar Ahmed Rashid has documented, this policy may have worked to kill and capture terrorists, but it precluded the construction of a viable Afghan state and left many rural areas open to Taliban re-infiltration.
Moreover, the US has explicitly pursued light footprint strategies before in Iraq and Afghanistan, and security experts now largely deride both of these applications. In Iraq, the US light footprint strategy from roughly 2003-2005 did not challenge extremists like al Qa’ida in Iraq for control of the civilian population, allowing such groups to establish safe havens in civilian areas. Jones should not have presented the light footprint as a panacea for counterterrorism given how ineffective the light footprint has been in achieving American foreign policy goals beyond counterterrorism, such as nation building or counterinsurgency.
A further problem with the book is the lack of clarity surrounding the three waves of terrorism. In the introduction, Jones says that he will delineate the waves of al Qa’ida activity by the number of fatalities caused in their attacks. However, later in the book he claims that the third wave started to gain steam with the failed attacks of Najibullah Zazi and Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab and the successful attack of Nidal Malik Hussein, all in 2009. The inconsistency here is that Jones started out by demarcating the waves by the effectiveness of al Qa’ida attacks as measured by fatalities, but in this later section he claims that a new wave was starting around 2009 mostly on the basis of attempted attacks. Furthermore, to make the apex of the third wave look significant, Jones includes attacks by Lashkar e Taiba, a group with only loose connections to al Qa’ida core. Jones seems to be changing the basis of his waves and the definition of al Qa’ida to fit his argument that a third wave was rising by the end of the decade. The problem is that Jones has created an artificial pattern where no pattern may actually exist.
Despite these shortcomings, Jones offers much insight into the psychology of terrorists, how al Qa’ida has evolved, and what the US and Europe should or should not do in response. Overall, his most valuable suggestion is that the “War on Terror” is a poor way to conceive of this conflict. He demonstrates repeatedly that an overly militarized mindset has lead to military occupations of Muslim nations, which at least partially motivated most terrorist plots in Europe or America since 9/11. In contrast, Jones stresses the efficacy of patient interagency counterterrorism work and information campaigns that work with moderate Muslims to counter al Qa’ida’s ideology. Unfortunately, the conceptual frame of the book and its main explanations for al Qaida’s fluctuations are too simplistic to explain this multi-faceted conflict. Jones’ argument would stand on firmer ground if he spoke in terms of general trends and factors in modern terrorism rather than rigid waves and variables. 443 pages.