The Caribbean region, as it is typically defined, includes more than 700 islands. Those islands are divided up into 33 political entities that include 13 sovereign states, 12 dependent territories, and 7 other overseas territories. In spite of this bewildering array of sometimes dueling sovereignties, the peoples of the Caribbean share a vibrant culture and an often difficult history. Perhaps it is for that reason that historian Franklin W. Knight gave his 1978 history of the region the subtitle The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism.
Knight, a professor of Caribbean and Latin American history at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, focuses on the factors that he sees linking the experience of the peoples of the Caribbean. With regard to the colonization experience, for example, he notes that colonization happened over a period of 300 years and involved several nations including Spain, France, England, Holland, Denmark, and Sweden. The common factor that he sees is that “enclaves” of colonizers “survived by forming ingenious relationships with each other, with the local indigenous populations, and with their parent society in Europe. In time, the colonies all reflected the accumulated experience of these contacts” (p. 51).
An interesting part of that colonial mindset that developed among many European settlers in the Caribbean, and among their descendants, was that “Until the twentieth century, the white sector in the non-Hispanic Caribbean – not just in the English Antilles – continued to behave like transients. Their homes were in the islands, but their hearts were in a hallowed, idealized, imaginary Europe” (p. 159).
Knight provides a thorough discussion of the system of plantation slavery that developed throughout the Caribbean region – one that might seem too dispassionate, in its “scholarly” objectivity, for some modern readers. Yet without dwelling on the many horrific details that later historians have made an area of focus, Knight acknowledges “the brutal system of slavery” (p. 125), and focuses on how, in places like the French colony of Saint-Domingue that became the independent republic of Haiti, enslaved people rose up against those who held them in bondage, and took control of their own destinies: “By 1789 Saint-Domingue had erupted, at the height of its prosperity, and the society experienced the first complete revolution in the Western Hemisphere. The slaves destroyed not only their bondage, but also the symbols of their servitude – the white masters, the large plantations” (p. 109). The passages of the book dealing with the Haitian Revolution, with “monstrous” repression by the whites and thoughtful deliberation by hitherto enslaved people who in 1791 “began to fight for themselves and their freedom – but…were careful to do so in the name of the [French] Revolution” (p. 153), are among the book’s best and most informative.
Comparably interesting is a late chapter titled “The Cuban Revolution and the Contemporary Scene, 1959-1976.” Knight argues that “the Cubans seem to have been in the vanguard of Caribbean nationalist movements” (p. 190), and sees Fidel Castro’s revolution against Fulgencio Batista as reflecting prior efforts, by earlier generations of Cubans, to secure their country’s freedom from Spain.
We all know of the degree of United States influence in pre-revolutionary Cuba – a situation dramatized by filmmaker Francis Ford Coppola in a key sequence from his film The Godfather Part II (1974). Some American observers of the Cuban Revolution might argue that U.S. colonial influence before the revolution was simply replaced by Soviet colonial influence after the revolution; and Knight acknowledges that consolidation of Cuba’s revolution in the 1970’s involved “a significant increase in the influence and assistance of the Soviet Union” (p. 202). Indeed, Soviet aid to Cuba, from the Cuban Revolution of 1959 through the fall of the U.S.S.R. in 1991, was quite generous; a popular Soviet joke of those times held that “if we get one more ally as loyal as Cuba, we’ll go bankrupt for sure.”
Yet many people throughout the Caribbean Basin found the Cuban Revolution inspiring, and took heart at the way Fidel Castro regularly thumbed his nose at the Yankee colossus to the north – even if they were not advocates of Soviet-style communism. Knight sets forth well the reasons why:
One reason for the growing popularity of the Cuban Revolution within the Caribbean area may be the recent growth of nationalism – or at least statism – within the region. The Caribbean zone, like Africa and Asia, felt the centrifugal winds of political decolonization. To new, independent states seeking to establish some form of identity…the Cuban model seemed attractive, if not totally acceptable. At least it showed that a small Caribbean state, with some luck, some sacrifice, and some outside goodwill, could ameliorate the conditions of life for its rapidly growing masses. (p. 203)
Such attitudes may have changed somewhat, in some quarters of the Caribbean, after the fall of the Soviet Union. The abrupt end of Soviet aid to Cuba caused a complete crash of the Cuban economy, and widespread hardship for ordinary Cubans, in a time that the Cuban government euphemistically called the Período especial en tiempos de paz (Special Period in the Time of Peace). But Knight establishes well what a paradigm shift the Cuban Revolution represented in Caribbean history.
The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism is short (223 pages, not counting source guide, appendices, and index), and it only takes the reader up to 1975. I originally read it for a Latin American history course at my undergraduate college in Tidewater Virginia, many decades ago now. But it certainly provides a good and concise introduction to Caribbean history; and from there, one can move on to read work by the many excellent Caribbean scholars and writers who have provided such thoughtful and perceptive examinations of the life of the Caribbean region in more recent years.