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Ruairí Ó Brádaigh: The Life and Politics of an Irish Revolutionary
"In a very real sense, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh can . . . be said to be the last, or one of the last Irish Republicans. Studies of the Provisional movement to date have invariably focused more on the Northerners and the role of people like Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness. But an understanding of them is not possible without appreciating where they came from and from what tradition they have broken. Ruairí Ó Brádaigh is that tradition and that is why this account of his life and politics is so important." ―from the foreword by Ed Moloney, author of A Secret History of the IRA
At his death in 2013, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh remained a divisive and influential figure in Irish politics and the Irish Republican movement. He was the first person to serve as chief of staff of the Irish Republican Army, as president of the political party Sinn Féin, and to have been elected, as an abstentionist, to the Dublin parliament. He was a prominent, uncompromising, and articulate spokesperson of those Irish Republicans who questioned the peace process in Northern Ireland. His concern was rooted in his analysis of Irish history and his belief that the peace process would not achieve peace. He believed that it would support the continued partition of Ireland and result in continued, inevitable, conflict.
The child of Irish Republican veterans, Ó Brádaigh led IRA raids, was arrested and interned, escaped and lived "on the run," and even spent a period of time on a hunger strike. Because he was an effective spokesman for the Irish Republican cause, he was at different times excluded from Northern Ireland, Britain, the United States, and Canada. He was also a key figure in the secret negotiation of a bilateral IRA-British truce in the mid-1970s.
In a brief afterword for this new edition, author Robert W. White addresses Ó Brádaigh's continuing influence on the Irish Republican Movement, including the ongoing "dissident" campaign. Whether for good or bad, this ongoing dissident activity is a part of Ruairí Ó Brádaigh's enduring legacy.
At his death in 2013, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh remained a divisive and influential figure in Irish politics and the Irish Republican movement. He was the first person to serve as chief of staff of the Irish Republican Army, as president of the political party Sinn Féin, and to have been elected, as an abstentionist, to the Dublin parliament. He was a prominent, uncompromising, and articulate spokesperson of those Irish Republicans who questioned the peace process in Northern Ireland. His concern was rooted in his analysis of Irish history and his belief that the peace process would not achieve peace. He believed that it would support the continued partition of Ireland and result in continued, inevitable, conflict.
The child of Irish Republican veterans, Ó Brádaigh led IRA raids, was arrested and interned, escaped and lived "on the run," and even spent a period of time on a hunger strike. Because he was an effective spokesman for the Irish Republican cause, he was at different times excluded from Northern Ireland, Britain, the United States, and Canada. He was also a key figure in the secret negotiation of a bilateral IRA-British truce in the mid-1970s.
In a brief afterword for this new edition, author Robert W. White addresses Ó Brádaigh's continuing influence on the Irish Republican Movement, including the ongoing "dissident" campaign. Whether for good or bad, this ongoing dissident activity is a part of Ruairí Ó Brádaigh's enduring legacy.
436 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2006
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Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews
August 22, 2017
Robert W. Whites biography of Ruairí O'Brádaigh is worth reading. It's historically interesting but it also flows well and is easy to read. Understandably, given it's quasi "official biography" nature it is sympathetic to Ruairí Ó Brádaigh but certainly not overly so. There are some good photos, in particular one with him and a then 94 year old Tom Maguire brandishing his illegally held Lee Enfield rifle, the one he captured during the Toormakeady ambush. The book covers O'Brádaighs early life and focuses heavily on his republican activities, the foundation of the PIRA and his time as President of Sinn Féin.
One of the most interesting things about the book are the accounts of the truce and the various negotiations with loyalists and the British. The IRA leadership at the time is often portrayed as naive for making demands for British withdrawal, but according to this the British, sincerely or otherwise, led them to believe that they were very seriously considering a withdrawal but were afraid of a "Congo situation". Viewed one way the book is a defense of Éire Nua, abstentionism and federalism. Adams and co come out of this looking quite bad, via implication rather than outright denunciation. The account given of the way Adams and friends outmaneuvered and removed the old leadership portrays them (Adams) in a particularly devious light. Éire Nua was attacked as a sop to Unionism and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh's long stated demand for a "phased withdrawal" was denounced and replaced with a demand for immediate withdrawal. Back then Ruairí Ó Brádaigh was too soft. How things change.
As for the negotiations with other groups, it seems he gained some traction with his federal Ulster idea, in particular with Sammy Smyth of the UDA.
The account of the Feakle talks is particularly noteworthy. The clergy wanted republican input into a proposal they were working on which would lead to a ceasefire. After an initial meeting in which both sides were impressed with the other, they retired to think about what was said and to work on proposals. During this time they were tipped off that the Gardaí were going to carry out a raid in a few hours. Ó Brádaigh and co told the clergy who greeted the news with suspicion and given their extensive efforts to keep it secret felt that it was just an excuse to end the negotiations. The Army Council and those on the run then left.
"About 4:30 in the afternoon, the police came in en masse. Spotting Ó Brádaigh and company, they asked were the others were. McKee replied, "Upstairs". Loaded with submachine guns and assuming they had captured the leadership of the Republican Movement in one swoop, they raced up the stairs, lined the clergymen up against the wall, and learned their identities. Ó Brádaigh, McKee, Drumm and Loughran were highly amused. The Police left without arresting anyone"
Rather than ruining negotiations Ó Brádaigh felt that their discovery was by no means a disaster. In the wake of the Birmingham bombings it was helpful that they were caught "doing good". The Army Council subsequently discussed what had been said at the meeting and drafted a reply which they sent to the clergy, who in turn met with the British.
Overall the impression I have of the man after reading about him is that he was a remarkably steadfast man who held true to his beliefs even though at many times it would have been easy, and tempting, to change his position. With abstentionism I think he was correct to a degree - entering Leinster House, unless in a majority, is a dead end and spells the end of a revolutionary movement and the birth of a reformist one. This has been the case time and time again. But I don't buy the republican legitimacy theory which underpinned this argument, which has the IRA army council, and now the CIRA Army Council, as the de jure government of Ireland - hence war is legitimate and acceptable. It seems head in the sand stuff to me, perhaps designed in part to sooth the conscience of religious republicans. Persevering with it when everyone who was in the Second Dáil or who voted for it are an extinct species does not make any sense to me. The struggle between Ó Brádaigh's Catholicism and his politics is a recurring theme in the book, he came to regard his religious beliefs as something he held in spite of his politics, and had little time for many clergy who he regarded as hypocrites. He did not go to see the Pope when he visited Ireland as he did not want to have to walk out when the Pope denounced the IRA or the struggle.
Prior to reading about the man I believed, as I had been told (by SF members, who were probably repeating what others had told them) that Ó Brádaigh was a backward relic in a traditional catholic nationalist mold. This is certainly not the case, he was a committed socialist and many of the various policies adopted by Sinn Féin while he was President were very progressive and leftist - rubbishing the oft repeated claim that the power struggle in the IRA was between a young, progressive secular left leaning northern group and a number of catholic, traditional, backwards, elderly, southern based relics. He was a man with excellent foresight - probably a result of his great knowledge of history. Regardless of your opinion on whether it was the right thing to do or not his predictions about the direction the Provos would go in was in the main correct. The analysis presented by him is rather depressing, which shows us two options, one is to go down a doomed road (What the Provos did in O'Brádaigh's eyes) or to hang on, keep the candle burning and hope that a revolutionary situation develops again.
He had an admirable stance on gangsterism in the movement which begs the question as to why it was permitted in RSF and the CIRA which it clearly was. Perhaps he was sidelined by that stage. The book only has a little on RSF and the CIRA, and this is my one major criticism.
Given O'Brádaigh has passed away since the original publication of the book a revised second edition in which the author can expand on O'Brádaigh's IRA activity and actions with Republican Sinn Féin and the CIRA, given that that he is beyond the reach of any earthly authorities, would be very much welcome.
That said the book is really a must read for anyone looking to understand the "troubles" in Ireland.
One of the most interesting things about the book are the accounts of the truce and the various negotiations with loyalists and the British. The IRA leadership at the time is often portrayed as naive for making demands for British withdrawal, but according to this the British, sincerely or otherwise, led them to believe that they were very seriously considering a withdrawal but were afraid of a "Congo situation". Viewed one way the book is a defense of Éire Nua, abstentionism and federalism. Adams and co come out of this looking quite bad, via implication rather than outright denunciation. The account given of the way Adams and friends outmaneuvered and removed the old leadership portrays them (Adams) in a particularly devious light. Éire Nua was attacked as a sop to Unionism and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh's long stated demand for a "phased withdrawal" was denounced and replaced with a demand for immediate withdrawal. Back then Ruairí Ó Brádaigh was too soft. How things change.
As for the negotiations with other groups, it seems he gained some traction with his federal Ulster idea, in particular with Sammy Smyth of the UDA.
The account of the Feakle talks is particularly noteworthy. The clergy wanted republican input into a proposal they were working on which would lead to a ceasefire. After an initial meeting in which both sides were impressed with the other, they retired to think about what was said and to work on proposals. During this time they were tipped off that the Gardaí were going to carry out a raid in a few hours. Ó Brádaigh and co told the clergy who greeted the news with suspicion and given their extensive efforts to keep it secret felt that it was just an excuse to end the negotiations. The Army Council and those on the run then left.
"About 4:30 in the afternoon, the police came in en masse. Spotting Ó Brádaigh and company, they asked were the others were. McKee replied, "Upstairs". Loaded with submachine guns and assuming they had captured the leadership of the Republican Movement in one swoop, they raced up the stairs, lined the clergymen up against the wall, and learned their identities. Ó Brádaigh, McKee, Drumm and Loughran were highly amused. The Police left without arresting anyone"
Rather than ruining negotiations Ó Brádaigh felt that their discovery was by no means a disaster. In the wake of the Birmingham bombings it was helpful that they were caught "doing good". The Army Council subsequently discussed what had been said at the meeting and drafted a reply which they sent to the clergy, who in turn met with the British.
Overall the impression I have of the man after reading about him is that he was a remarkably steadfast man who held true to his beliefs even though at many times it would have been easy, and tempting, to change his position. With abstentionism I think he was correct to a degree - entering Leinster House, unless in a majority, is a dead end and spells the end of a revolutionary movement and the birth of a reformist one. This has been the case time and time again. But I don't buy the republican legitimacy theory which underpinned this argument, which has the IRA army council, and now the CIRA Army Council, as the de jure government of Ireland - hence war is legitimate and acceptable. It seems head in the sand stuff to me, perhaps designed in part to sooth the conscience of religious republicans. Persevering with it when everyone who was in the Second Dáil or who voted for it are an extinct species does not make any sense to me. The struggle between Ó Brádaigh's Catholicism and his politics is a recurring theme in the book, he came to regard his religious beliefs as something he held in spite of his politics, and had little time for many clergy who he regarded as hypocrites. He did not go to see the Pope when he visited Ireland as he did not want to have to walk out when the Pope denounced the IRA or the struggle.
Prior to reading about the man I believed, as I had been told (by SF members, who were probably repeating what others had told them) that Ó Brádaigh was a backward relic in a traditional catholic nationalist mold. This is certainly not the case, he was a committed socialist and many of the various policies adopted by Sinn Féin while he was President were very progressive and leftist - rubbishing the oft repeated claim that the power struggle in the IRA was between a young, progressive secular left leaning northern group and a number of catholic, traditional, backwards, elderly, southern based relics. He was a man with excellent foresight - probably a result of his great knowledge of history. Regardless of your opinion on whether it was the right thing to do or not his predictions about the direction the Provos would go in was in the main correct. The analysis presented by him is rather depressing, which shows us two options, one is to go down a doomed road (What the Provos did in O'Brádaigh's eyes) or to hang on, keep the candle burning and hope that a revolutionary situation develops again.
He had an admirable stance on gangsterism in the movement which begs the question as to why it was permitted in RSF and the CIRA which it clearly was. Perhaps he was sidelined by that stage. The book only has a little on RSF and the CIRA, and this is my one major criticism.
Given O'Brádaigh has passed away since the original publication of the book a revised second edition in which the author can expand on O'Brádaigh's IRA activity and actions with Republican Sinn Féin and the CIRA, given that that he is beyond the reach of any earthly authorities, would be very much welcome.
That said the book is really a must read for anyone looking to understand the "troubles" in Ireland.
Read
June 2, 2023interesting, in that it deals with a strand of irish republicanism that is very much in the minority now. It is not a convicing strand for people on the Left, but one that still has to be studied. All in all though, O Bradaigh's opponents within the republican movement seem to have had the best of the argument
December 29, 2024
Very good book. Ruairí was clearly very principled and a bit dogmatic.
January 19, 2026
Worth reading. Helped me learn a lot about a figure that the mainstream press and modern republicans have tried to bury. Éire Nua is worth reconsidering.
Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews