Fousek’s To Lead the Free World is an exploration of the factors that led to the creation of the ‘Cold War Consensus’ in the post-war United States. Fousek analysis cultural sources, examining the ways in which the consensus was constructed both from the top-down and from the bottom-up, arguing that the consensus was ultimately a cultural phenomenon informed as much by magazines and popular culture as it was by foreign policy elites. While Fousek does acknowledge that he Truman administration was responsible for the huge expansion of the American myth that legitimized the nation’s global interventionism, he notes that this was only possible as a result of the wider cultural milieu. Citing Clifford Geertz’s suggestion that times of crisis bring ideological thinking to the fore, Fousek argues that people use ideology to make sense of frightening developments while states use it to consolidate power during tumultuous times. In an era of seemingly unending international crises, the American people and American politicians rallied around the flag, creating a new culture of American nationalist globalism. In a global context of crisis, America came to be seen as a beacon of stability. It needed to protect itself, and furthermore it was seen to have a duty to bring stability to the world. This nationalist globalism sought to impose the perceived ideas of American universalism on the world (as hypocritical as that was). The idea that the American universalist democratic model was right and infallible was used as justification for cultural and geographic expansion throughout the twentieth century. Communism was framed as the antithesis of freedom and democracy and as such it was seen as the duty of the US to battle it at all costs. Furthermore this context of crisis was used to fundamentally change or even go against old American values. The peace-time draft, the large standing army and the interventionist state went against the anti-tyrannical visions of pre-war America, but they were almost unanimously accepted. This shows the power of crisis culture in changing mindsets.
Effectively since Pearl Harbor America began to define itself in contrast to a series of ‘others’. Fascism, communism and fundamentalist Islam have been at various stages the ‘bogey-men’ that have allowed the culture of ‘Great American Values’ to manifest itself and grow exponentially. By structuring the nation’s identity against these others America has been able to justify its own expansionism, imperialism and cultural superiority. ‘The American Dream’ and ‘the American Way of Life’ were used in direct contrast to these ‘others’ in order to foster a sense of righteousness among the American people, a righteousness which allowed for the creation of the title, ‘leader of the free world’. Furthermore the concept of a global attack on these values was used to justify the creation of a permanent military-industrial complex and a militarized, aggressive economy. Finally Fousek also explores the ways in which organizations which existed outside of this national discourse, for example the NAACP and UAW, soon began to embrace it as a means of gaining more influence at the top level and advancing their own agendas. The NAACP began toeing the dominant, anti-communist line in order to make their message more palatable to the American people and political system, thus further strengthening the American myth of righteous international interventionism.