A CRITIQUE OF AMERICAN POLICIES AND INFLUENCE IN THE WORLD
Authors Ziauddin Sardar and Merryl Wyn Davies wrote in the Introduction to this 2002 book, “We focus on the question---‘Why do people hate America?’---as a question, not as a statement… [We] take it as an honest, earnest and impassioned demand that recognizes a communication gap… This is not a book about 9-11; nor is it about the action stemming from it. It is a book prompted by that awful event and concerned to understand the overriding question that emerged from the devastation… the question … requires an examination of problems that existed before that criminal act… the events of 9-11 have not prompted diligent inquiry and serious debate, but a resort to the very agenda that constructs the problem of relations between America and the rest of the world in the first place…
“This is also not a book about the positive sides of the United States: those looking for a straightforward counterblast to the hatred expressed for America should stop reading now. It is a book about the consequences of interaction in a world in which gross disparities of power, wealth, freedom and opportunity must be factored into each and every situation… One of the main points we make in this book is that many of the worst effects of American power are the result of the best-intentioned actions. As a result, the animosity in other parts of the world often seems unaccountable to the US… we argue that a more careful and imaginative approach to US foreign policy is essential if worldwide anti-American feeling is not to spiral out of control. By setting out clearly what makes people hate America, we hope to show what those new policies need to address…”(Pg. 6-7)
“[W]e explore the rationale for the grievances of the rest of the world against America… we examine the way in which the brand called ‘America’ has been sold to the rest of the world, and the consequences of the globalization of American culture on the developing countries… the power of the American media… works to keep the American people closed to experience and ideas from the rest of the world and thereby increases the insularity, self-absorption and ignorance that is the overriding problem the rest of the world has with America.” (Pg. 9, 11)
They assert, “[the question] “‘Why are Islamic extremists trying to kill us?’… has one prime function, to explore what differentiates Us from Them… What defines America is what terrorists are against… the difference between Us and Them is simply ‘freedom and democracy.’” (Pg. 19)
They explain, “The question, ‘Why do people hate America?’ has three basic components: ‘people,’ hatred, America. Who are these people?... The ‘people’ are defined by the quality assigned to them: hatred… Hatred defines boundaries between peoples, creates the … animosity that makes it possible to commit heinous crimes… What is the America that is hated, and how is it related to the America that is loved… that’s why we have to interrogate the question rather than be bamboozled into ready-packaged, easy answers.” (Pg. 39-40) They add, “America’s question … is mirrored among … the crowd from among whom come the terrorists. From the perspective of the young Egyptian waiter and many Muslims, it is America who hates Muslims; and their own hatred of America emerges from this perception.” (Pg. 48-49)
They outline, “The US accumulates the wealth of the world through eight types of manipulations... 1. The US has been financing domestic growth through the savings of the rest of the world… 2. The US denies democratic control over their own economies destinies to over two-thirds of the world’s population… 3. The US interprets ‘trade liberalization to mean one-way, open access for American multinationals and businesses… 4. The US promotes a type of ‘economic freedom’ that actually destroys the economic freedom of poor people… 5. The US systematically undermines the efforts of the least developed countries to combat poverty and feed their populations… 6. The US defrauds the least developed countries, thus increasing their poverty… 7. The US has consistently worked to bring down commodity prices in the developing world… 8… the US imposes unilateral coercive economic measures… known as ‘sanctions,’ with regularity.” (Pg. 72-79)
They argue, “Almost every concern of the world, from the risks and safety of GMOs to climate change and biodiversity, from the protection of indigenous knowledge and resources to the reform of undemocratic and authoritarian global institutions like the WTO and IMF, to global justice and fair trade, is reduced by the US to a question of ‘free trade’—meaning America should be free to do as it desires.” (Pg. 85-86)
They point out, “The US declares that elections should be free and fair, and prohibits other countries from intervening in its own elections, giving donations to American political parties and influencing the outcome of elections in any way. Yet, it routinely intervenes in the elections of other countries---sometimes covertly through the CIA, at other times through non-governmental organizations and the media.” (Pg. 109-110)
They state, “The ‘virus’ of American culture and lifestyle replicates so readily because it is founded on a promise of abundance, the lure of affluence. Material well-being is… irresistible to those who have … sufficient means to buy into the dream. It is the upwardly mobile, those busily working to distance themselves from poverty, who find the prospect of ever-expanding material horizons truly intoxicating… given the fact that so many people aspire to their lifestyle, it is not surprise that Americans feel that their way is the best and the only way.” (Pg. 117-118)
They note, “from the perspective and with the historical experience of the rest of the world, the orthodox American narrative reads very differently. Instead of confirming America as the last best hope of mankind, it reveals America as the prime mover and chief beneficiary of the processes that create and sustain a world of haves and have nots… [of] rulers and ruled.” (Pg. 139)
They contend, “If recourse to violence is an original and necessary part of the rhetoric of America, then it is hardly surprising to find violence reified to a form of communication… It is this American propensity to eulogize violence and not to contemplate its human cost, not to empathize with the human experience of the consequences of violence, that strikes fear and enmity into the hearts of people the world over.” (Pg. 186)
They assert, “America defines what is democracy, justice, freedom; what are human rights and what is multiculturalism… In short, what it means to be human. The rest of the world, including Europe, must simply accept these definitions… There is no scope for these values to be interpreted and practiced in different ways; no sense that … other cultures may have generated their own notions of freedom and justice.” (Pg. 201)
They conclude, “America has as much to do to make its own democracy work, to make peace with itself, to mature its own self-identity, as it has to do in coming to terms with the rest of the world.” (Pg. 211)
A controversial book, this book will interest those seeking critiques of American policies and influence in the world.