France in her history had seen her share of social uprisings from her people – most notably the Jacquerie under Charles V at the height of the Hundred Years’ War – but on the whole had not seen such severity in waves that hit all of Europe as was the case in 1789. The Enlightenmentbrought the 1780’s into a new social awareness that raged at monarchic systems.
George Rudé’s book is part of a Blackwell series on the history of Europe and as such covers a period of social unrest not solely limited to France. The aim of the work is well within the political scope of its author, for whom the Revolution epitomized the class struggle Marx and Engels wrote about in 1848. Thus Harvey Kaye writes in his introduction to this work that Rude “cultivated a Republican-Marxian ‘grand narrative’ in which he conceived the Revolution as a ‘merger of two distinct movements – the bourgeois and the popular –‘.” (p. xxiv)
The book examines the social context from which the Revolution sprang in terms of the classes that entered it. France in 1783 was in the midst of deplorable economic conditions (mainly resulting from the fruitless wars of Louis XIV and the indolence of his great-grandson Louis XV). These conditions exacerbated the differences in the feudal-oriented classes of France. The situation finally reached a point of financial ruin, resulting in the convocation of that archaic and ponderous body of old, the Estates-General. The Estates-General had first met in the Fourteenth Century as a means of allowing King Philip IV of France to browbeat the Pope, Boniface VIII, over the issue of the King’s right to collect ecclesiastical taxes. It later met under Charles VII to allow that king more tax revenues with which to fight the Hundred Years War. It had most recently been convened in 1614 during the minority of Louis XIII.
Just as the later revolutions of 1848 did not quite go as Marx and Engels had envisioned (after overthrowing the newly restored aristocrats in favor of the bourgeoisie, the Revolutions of 1848 had stopped short of the proletariat overthrow of the bourgeoisie), so too did the Revolution of 1789 neither occur nor conclude in a manner the original Deputies would have ever dared to consider. In this respect it also resembles the American Revolution, which it in part inspired. In no state of the time had a top-down central absolutist authority addressed the problem of social
equality. Writing from a Marxist perspective, Rudé sees 1789 Paris in much the same light as 1917 Moscow, and Robespierre as idealistic as Lenin. This also means he implicitly skirts the issue of the legality of the execution of the King – since all revolutionaries of 1789 felt the King was guilty before his trial began. Not for nothing had Mirabeau mused that the king must reign or he must die.
The scope of work ranging over such a broad period allows the author’s crisp perspective to convey the frenetic activity of Revolutionary Europe. Starting in France as in internal financial meeting, the Revolution grew into an ultra-national movement. The French had taken their ideas to be universally applicable, so they began to talk of bringing the wisdom gleaned from Rousseau and the Enlightenment to other parts of Europe. Not needing to spend an eternity on exploring the causes of the resulting tumult (since, as a Marxist, he knows these revolutions to be inevitable and
even justified occurrences anyway), Rude devotes his focus to the social tradition fostered in 1789.
This tradition did not end with the Terror; nor does Rudé’s examination. Napoleon himself professed admiration for the Committee of Public Safety – a committee which threw the doors of the officer corps open to men of military talent liked the famed Corsican general. Without Robespierre, there could be no Napoleon.