This volume in the Oxford History of Modern Europe is a comprehensive study of German history from 1770 to 1866. It examines the manner in which the development of bureaucratic and participatory institutions changed the character and capacities of governments throughout German Europe; the economic expansion in which the productivity of both agriculture and manufacturing increased, commercial activity intensified, and urban growth was encouraged; and the rising culture of print, which sustained new developments in literature, philosophy, and scholarship, and helped transform the rules and procedures of everyday life. These developments, it is argued, led to an erosion of the traditional values and institutions, and played an important part in the transformation of German politics, society, and culture. Rather than viewing the development of a Prussian-led Nation State as "natural" or inevitable, the book emphasizes alternative forces of unity and division which existed up until the Austro-Prussian War of 1866.
This book contains a fantastic account of the political, economic, and social development of "Germany" leading up the Wars of Unification. It is broad in nature, and provides a solid overview of the subject material, ranging from the problems of national identity to the role of Austria and Prussia in Germany's formation, the development of Verein (associations) as the basic unit of German social society, how these forces came together in the 1848 Revolution, what problems Germans faced, and more. This work serves as an excellent introduction to the debates occuring in German history, but might stand to dismiss the Sonderweg argument, if that's a qualifying feature of your German literature.
This is the most comprehensive history I have ever read. At over 900 pages it is NOT a casual history of Germany and explores political, economic, social and cultural aspects of Germany during this period. I found the author to be remarkably insightful. It appeared he provided a very balanced view of events. There are a number of German quotes not translated; I don't speak German but this did not lessen the book to any great extent for me. My only criticism is the lack of maps. I wish there had been a dedicated section with a variety of maps. There was often discussion of an area which I could not place.
This is a masterful account of the period in question, exhaustive in scope and with a very readable narrative. Sheehan argues against the idea that the history of this period was a mere prelude to unification, and that it was instead pregnant with a number of differing opportunities for development. His best writing comes in his easy synthesis of culture with politics and society- in particular as he tracks the emergence of bourgeois society following the political defeat of 1848. However, it should be said that it is heard to pick out one cohesive argument with which to define Sheehan's work, given its impressive scope. Perhaps its central takeaway would be that the liberal influence on the formation of German history has been overstated by historians, and that appreciation of the underlying societal developments of the time has been understated.
Interesting Quotes:
1. The HRE was the “last expression of a long, universalist tradition in European public life.” “Its goal was not to clarify and dominate, but rather to order and balance.” (14)
2. “When the nature and purpose of political power [in the 18th century] changed, so did its distribution and location: away from the Reich and towards the territorial states, away from local institutions and towards the central administration… away from the fragmented lands of the West and towards the major states of the north and east.” (41)
3. In 18th Century Prussia: “The new laws sought to create a new kind of man, a citizen… who would exist outside the particularist confines of family, caste, or community. The state promised these citizens freedoms from the restraints imposed by intermediate institutions, but in return demanded that they obey its laws, pay its taxes, and serve in its armed forces. As we have seen, no pre-revolutionary state was able to fulfil these promises of emancipation or to realize their desires for control.” (71)
4. “The historical myth of liberation tended to obscure the essential significance of the revolutionary era for German history… the revolutionary era’s most important product was not the mobilization of the Volk but rather the reform and reorganization of the states. By 1815, Prussia, Austria, and the various middle-sized states had emerged as the dominant forces in German public life. They had clearly- if not completely- triumphed over the competing sovereignties of Reich and Herrschaft.” (387-88)
5. “During the first three decades of the nineteenth century bureaucratic and constitutional developments were not antithetical; both were means to consolidate the sovereign power and political cohesion of states, to limit the arbitrary will of the rule, and to contain the residual privileges traditional elites and institutions.” “The emergence of constitutional government and the consolidation of bureaucratic authority were part of the same historical process, frequently advocated for by the same people, opposed by the same enemies, and seeking to advance the same goals.” (426)
6. “As they planned for the next round in the struggle against revolution, the men of the fifties proved to be more flexible and broad-minded than the generation that had tried to recreate the old order after Waterloo. Schwarzenberg and Brandenburg, like Louis Napoleon and Cavour, realized that a successful defense of the old order required new ideas and institutions, some of which might have to come from the arsenals of their enemies. The hallmark of post-revolutionary conservatism, therefore, was its growing association with the most powerful forces of the age: bureaucratization, constitutionalism, nationalism, and economic development.” (710-11)
7. “Our account of German history from the end of the eighteenth century to 1866 has been dominated by three themes. First, we saw how the development of bureaucratic and participatory institutions changed the character and capacities of governments throughout German Europe. Second, we followed the economic expansion in which the productivity of both agriculture and manufacturing increased, commercial activity intensified, and urban growth was encouraged. Finally, we examined the rising culture of print, which sustained new developments in literature, philosophy and scholarship and also helped transform the rules and procedures of everyday life. Of course, these three themes were inseparable; each depended on and reinforced the other.”
“While it is clear that these political, economic, and cultural changes combined to destroy the old regime, it was not inevitable that they would produce a unified German nation. In some ways, they may even have made political unification more difficult.” (912)
Nineteenth Century German history is, in some ways, just like the history of Britain and France. It's a story of industrialisation, the growth of government and the impact of print and literacy. In other ways, of course, it is entirely unlike its two western rivals, both of which had existed in a relatively stable form for almost 1000 years: Germany as a political and geographical unit only began in the Nineteenth Century.
I bought Sheehan's massive book some 23 years ago as an aid to my Modern European History finals. It was never intended to be read but (a) I have always been a sucker for absurdly large books and (b) a stay in Germany this year made me realise how little I actually knew of the country's history apart from Prussia and the Third Reich.
The book is well written but is not a light read. It is part of the Oxford History of Modern Europe and so has that reference/textbook feel about it. Some sections I paid more attention to than others. However, it did teach me some things that I hadn't quite reflected on before.
I hadn't realised just how significant and all-encompassing the growth of German/Prussian bureaucracy was in the Nineteenth Century. Unlike the organic and messy growth of government in Britain, everything in Germany seemed to take place in a political greenhouse. Perhaps this goes some way to explaining the horrific efficiency of the mid Twentieth Century state. At the same time, German literature didn't develop the same sensibilities as in France, Britain or even Russia. Between Goethe and Thomas Mann I could barely name any significant German writers, and it seems that this wasn't the result of my own ignorance. Did all of the German national energies go into politics and government in these years?
One small area of weakness in the book - practically nothing on Beethoven, Schubert or Caspar David Friedrich (Wagner gets more of a mention). It seems very odd to write a comprehensive history of nineteenth century Germany and pay so little attention to the figures who most hold our attention today.
I read this in the midst of downsizing and moving out of our house and embarrassed to see how long it took me to finish. Sheehan writes wonderful histories in a very readable style despite the time it took me to get through German History 1770-1866. Translations of the quotes in German would have been helpful since my college German days long past. The books a great resource for future reading. I bought a copy rather than barrow from the library as I knew I would be referencing Sheehan in the future. So much talk lately about History's sides and waves and Sheehan dispels all that narrating the possibilities that easily could have been before unification in 1866. This book's not just a great story but a nice lesson of how History should be approached and understood. I highly recommend it.
This is the best general history of Germany in English, very long, but well written and very readable. Examines the growth of the German economy and changes in German politics from many aspects. The book almost completely ignores village or rural life.