Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India, Nicholas B. Dirks
Caste apologists in South Asia often refer to the ‘varnashramadharma’, not as a vicious system of social gradation, but as a method in organisational value and community life. In the face of neoliberal individualism, corporate capitalism and market competition, [all these aspects adopted from the West] it is caste, they believe, which preserves the inherent social values of the ‘Indian’ society. Caste is a sign of India’s religiosity and a marker of its essential difference from the West. Taking this as the starting point of his book, Nicholas B. Dirks’ ‘Castes of Mind’ enlightens us of the various ways caste has taken its present shape under the British Raj. He states that much like religious communalism, which emerged as a colonial construction, mobilisation based on caste occurred after caste had been incorporated as a category in the census. The desire to include caste stemmed from the need of the Raj to understand better the people they were governing. Hence, the modality of colonial knowledge shifted its focus from the political economy to the study of different cultures, traits and characters of the people. Since caste is embedded in the Indian tradition, it had become imperative to examine how it had affected the communities. Dirks rightly calls the Raj an “ethnographic state” that systematically characterised the population and preserved its findings through archives. However, caste was soon dropped from the census. Introduced in 1872 and relinquished in 1932, the Raj could not tackle the situation of various caste groups writing to them to change their status (p. 243). It underscores the point that caste was intrinsically linked with privilege and power. For instance, Pallis and Vamiyar produced tracts to prove their Ksatriya status that meant upward mobility in terms of caste status (p. 238).
It is interesting to note that Dirks clearly differentiates between caste politics and politicisation of caste. The Politicisation of caste is enmeshed with mobilisation among lower caste to challenge the orthodox caste-based discrimination in India. In turn, it results in caste politics that Hindu nationalists, including Gandhi, believed to be anti-national and divisive. The point is that politics in India has always been localized—emerging from regionalism—divisive and plural. When read against this backdrop, the word ‘divisive’ does not have a pejorative connotation; instead, it is pregnant with political possibilities of myriad nature. Dirks explains it by drawing examples of anti-caste mobilisation led by Periyar and Ambedkar. Since Dalits have always been marginalised, their actions are habitually termed as reactions, emanating from the margins. Nevertheless, the fact that Gandhi had to blackmail Ambedkar during the Poona Pact, and after the event, had to change his stance regarding caste vouches for the potential that caste-based mobilisation has in our country. For caste still remains one of the primary determinants of property, power and privilege in present-day India. It is used by the rich and the powerful to maintain their hold and strengthen their domination. As long as it remains so, the poor and the deprived have the moral right and political responsibility to uphold their caste identity in their struggle for a just, equal and casteless society.