Rise of the Red Engineers: The Cultural Revolution and the Origins of China's New Class

三十．三十書系

by Joel Andreas

Rise of the Red Engineers explains the tumultuous origins of the class of technocratic officials who rule China today. In a fascinating account, author Joel Andreas chronicles how two mutually hostile groups―the poorly educated peasant revolutionaries who seized power in 1949 and China's old educated elite―coalesced to form a new dominant class. After dispossessing the country's propertied classes, Mao and the Communist Party took radical measures to eliminate class distinctions based on education, aggravating antagonisms between the new political and old cultural elites. Ultimately, however, Mao's attacks on both groups during the Cultural Revolution spurred inter-elite unity, paving the way―after his death―for the consolidation of a new class that combined their political and cultural resources. This story is told through a case study of Tsinghua University, which―as China's premier school of technology―was at the epicenter of these conflicts and became the party's preferred training ground for technocrats, including many of China's current leaders.

Genres: China, History, Nonfiction, Asia, Sociology, Politics

368 pages, Paperback

First published March 10, 2009

About the author

Joel Andreas is an American author and college professor. He holds a Ph.D. in sociology from the University of California in Los Angeles, and currently teaches at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore.

Prior to the publishing of Rise of the Red Engineers in 2009 many of Andreas's published writings had been graphic novels. The first of these was The Incredible Rocky, an unauthorized biography of the Rockefeller family. Although Andreas wrote the book while still in high school, it went on to sell nearly 100,000 copies. Next came Made with Pure Rocky Mountain Scab Labor, meant to support a strike by Coors Brewing Company workers. His latest graphic novel is Addicted to War: Why the U.S. Can't Kick Militarism, which has been approved by the San Francisco School District as a supplemental book to be used by high school history teachers.

Reviews

[Sophia Chen · Rating 5 out of 5]

Andreas describes the new and old political/cultural elite before and after the Chinese Communist takeover, and how the Cultural Revolution leads to the establishment of a new elite class that includes members of both the revolutionary elites and pre-revolutionary elites. Excellently written--informative without being too dense or erudite, with compelling case studies and interviews. A must-read for anyone interested in modern China.

[Tynan Brooks]

One of the best books I've read on Chinese history. Uses a Bourdieu-influenced conception of class to study the shift in China - and by proxy, other Leninist party-states - from genuinely mass-focused to pure technocracy. Andreas is clearly sympathetic to some of the Cultural Revolution's goals, if not the ways in which they tried to achieve them, but he hardly slanders the technocrats who won. The focus on Tsinghua is particularly brilliant, both due to its continued importance (Xi is a graduate!) and its exemplary place within Chinese education. This period is just so gripping, and always reveals more complexities, destroying any simple partisan narrative of betrayal or heroism.

[Hui · Rating 3 out of 5]

The book is an amazing piece on how sociologists read history. Andreas provides a compelling narrative where sociological concerns (class distinctions among new political elites and old cultural elites) originated from Marxist ideology/utopia translate into political movements (e.g., Great Leap Forward, Cultural Revolution). On the other hand, the class dichotomy, along with a carefully tailored historical narrative, leaves me wonder what potential alternative explanations may look like.

[loitering outside 711 · Rating 3 out of 5]

You be reading this book and ur like damn this shit goes hard and then you be reading this book and you’re like damn this shit does not address why class society was reproduced at all but rather why that class society took the form of technocratic rule. And it does the latter very well. But it said it would do the former, and it simply does not.

[锅耶夫 · Rating 5 out of 5]

test

[Catherine Wan · Rating 2 out of 5]

I wont lie i did not like this book but it did make me be jealous that i never went and did stem at tsinghua university so i could become the next top ccp official

[Hengyu · Rating 3 out of 5]

本书的作者是约翰霍普金斯大学社会学系副教授安舟（Joel Andreas），他2003年毕业于加州大学洛杉矶分校，本书的英文版就是他的博士论文，2009年在斯坦福大学出版社出版。在政治意识形态光谱上，安舟是一位“新左派”学者。

这本书的标题叫“红色工程师的崛起：文化大革命与中国新阶级的起源”，通过对清华大学1949年至21世纪初这半个世纪的校史研究，讲述了中华人民共和国的“新阶级”和“技术专家治国”现象的兴起的故事。 因为作者是一名社会学者，所以本书在自我定位上并非一项纯粹的历史研究，他要处理的理论问题是在二十世纪的共产主义社会，新阶级和技术专家治国的兴起是不是不可避免的现象，如果不可避免，那么它的社会根源和历史逻辑是什么？

相对于苏联和一些东欧国家，中国是探讨这一问题的一个极端案例，作者认为文化大革命这样一场声势浩大、旷日持久的运动就是以防止技术官僚阶级的出现为目的的社会实验，清华大学作为中国最顶尖的工科大学，是培养技术官僚的顶尖机构，而且确实贡献了位于中国政治权力顶端的若干位政治局常委。因此，清华大学是作者探究上述理论问题的一个典型个案。

我的报告不准备展示太多作者所提供的清华校史的细节，而只是梳理作者的论证过程和逻辑，并提出一些要思考的问题。

首先介绍一下作者所使用的概念框架和所对话的既有理论。 “新阶级”这个词来自南斯拉夫著名政治活动家密洛凡·吉拉斯，他曾追随铁托革命，并担任过南联盟副总统和南共中央书记，1953年因倡导在南斯拉夫实行多党派竞争的民主制而被被捕。他入狱前写作的《新阶级》被偷带到西方出版，中译本在1953年由世界知识出版社出版，内部发行。在这本书中，吉拉斯认为在夺取政权后，共产党的革命家将构成垄断行政大权而享有种种特权和经济优先权的新阶级，并延续传统的寡头统治。 这个观点显然与马克思和恩格斯的设想相反，他们认为无产阶级的阶级斗争胜利后，将消灭基于私有财产的阶级等级制度，建立一个无阶级的社会。

实际上，在社会主义思想形成的早期，便有相反的见解。圣西门学派认为，尽管以经济关系为基础的阶级将走向消亡，但并不可能建立一个完全消灭阶级差别的社会，他们主张创立一种基于人们后天努力获得特权的新的等级制度，因此“一群才华横溢且开明进步的工业领袖、科学家和工程师将治理社会”。 研究东欧社会主义国家及其转型的康拉德和塞勒尼在1979年发表了《知识分子在通向阶级权力的道路上》，他们认为尽管各国共产党声称代表无产阶级，但其阶级权力却与推崇知识、科学之间紧密相联，社会主义计划的理性前提最终将导致知识和文化的胜利。

安舟认为中国的“新阶级”的历史并不符合这个理论，因为中共曾不遗余力地要消灭知识分子与工农之间的阶级差别。因此他发展了一个新的分析框架——新生的政治精英与昔日知识精英之间的斗争与合作，新生的政治精英指掌握政治权力却没受过什么教育的农民革命家，昔日知识精英指在“旧社会”成长起来的掌握文化资源的知识分子。作者认为正是这两个群体的斗争最终产生了中国的新阶级，新老精英在最后完成了汇合。

作者使用布迪厄的经济资本、文化资本和社会资本三种资本形式框架来分析这场斗争，因为私有财产被废除，经济资本被消灭了，所以只剩下文化资本和社会资本两种形式，文化资本指基于教育背景和专业技能而形成的社会影响力，社会资本则被作者简化为政治资本，也就是因党员身份而形成的社会影响力。作者以文化资本和政治资本的斗争重构了清华大学半个世纪的校史和中国的高等教育制度变迁的叙述，下面我就来概括一下这个叙述脉络。 在开始叙述之前，我们还要注意一点，在这本书中作者其实隐含了一个论证前提，即认为毛泽东发动的很多运动，包括文化大革命的目的都是为了铲平社会主义社会的阶级差别，避免特权阶级的产生。也就是说，作者并未考虑中共高层的政治斗争，而仅将这些运动视为毛泽东为了实现共产主义的平等社会理想的不懈努力。

作者将中国当代历史分为四个时期来讲述清华大学的校史和中国教育政策的变化，这四个时期分别是建设社会主义时期、文革初期、文革中后期和文革结束后的新时期。在每一个时期作者都介绍了当时的整体政治背景和教育政策，并落实到清华大学校园内的变化。整体的叙述脉络是毛泽东为了实现平等、无阶级差别的共产主义社会理想，不断地发动政治运动和教育革命，从初期的防止旧的知识精英和新的革命干部精英的再造，到后来打击新中国的教育制度培养的红专干部。但这些努力非但没有达到自己的目标，反而造成了新老精英的汇聚，为红色工程师作为一个新阶级在中国崛起铺平了道路。

作者论述了在每一个时期，党的政治举动是如何没能阻止精英再造，且促成两大精英汇聚的。

一、在建设社会主义时期，党为了将专业知识控制在自己的手里，培养了“又红又专”的新干部，革命干部及其子女依靠政治资本进入干部培训班或专为官员子女办的中小学获取文化资本，在学校里入团和入党要求中加入了文化标准，为知识精英的子女获得政治资格提供了好处，清华大学也在积极吸收教授入党。学业和政治两大资格认证制度提供了资本转换的机制，使得两大精英群体逐渐汇聚。

二、在文化大革命初期，清华附中对立的两派都谋求保存自己的资本，而攻击对方所代表的资本。革命干部家庭出身的红卫兵只攻击教育制度，知识分子家庭出身的“井冈山”则只攻击政治制度。清华大学的两派都包含知识分子、干部、工人和农民家庭的学生，但稳健派中有更多的和党组织有关系的人，稳健派保卫现存的政治与教育制度的努力体现了在清华大学中，两大精英群体已经有一定程度的汇合，开始超越阶级出身的分野。

三、在文化大革命中后期，工宣队进驻清华大学，之前被打倒的干部重新走上管理岗位，工宣队只负责监管。群众推荐工农兵学员上大学的制度未能阻止基层干部擅权，推荐自己的子女入学。

四、在文革结束后，文革中被视为“资产阶级走资派”和官僚阶级的老干部重新掌权，中国恢复了高考制度，重新推行精英教育。党强调“尊重知识、尊重人才”，将中共改造成一个专家党，党员将同时拥有政治资本和文化资本。

根据这一叙述分析过程，作者认为毛泽东发动的新旧精英之间的斗争最终促成了精英之间的团结，农民革命家的子女积累了文化资本，昔日的知识精英的子女积累了政治资本，两大群体在新时期已经融合。作者认为自己的分析为中国为何抛弃铲平阶级之举并走上一条专家治国之路提供了足够的解释。虽然他提到共产主义的目标有可能是被人性、传统的复原力和现代化的要求等普世法则所打败，但是他同时坚称“只要基于特权群体与其既得利益的分析看起来合理有效，我就不愿意接受结果是由无情的普世原因所决定的这种观点”。

安舟的叙述阐述了两大精英群体为追求或维护自己的利益而复制再造自身的冲动与毛泽东所设计的政治制度和教育制度之间的互动，我认为新阶级确实是在安舟所叙述的这一漫长历史过程中兴起的，但却不是因为这一过程才产生的。以现代化为目标的党避免不了对知识的重视，文革之后的改革开放正是延续党的这一自我标榜的使命。两大群体基于利益动机一直谋求再造，党对政治资格的要求也稳定存在，实现现代化的计划一旦正常推进，两大资格认证制度就会汇合，产生红色知识精英。毛泽东发动的一系列政治运动打断了这一过程，在这些政治运动中出现的精英群体汇聚不是毛的运动的后果，而是毛的激进运动也无法消除的上述发展逻辑的继续。这个发展逻辑和过程是通过代际转换实现的，革命干部和老知识分子无法融合，而只能在他们的后代身上实现汇聚。在改革开放恢复私有产权后，第三代不仅汇聚了政治资本和文化资本，还增加了经济资本，形成了拥有党员身份的权贵资本家。

因为对史实不甚了解，我无力判断作者对文革中的群众运动的叙述是否准确，我认为他的理论分析和论证是不坚实的，本书更多得应该视为安舟以分别拥有政治资本和文化资本的两大群体的斗争为框架重新组织了关于中国的教育制度演变和阶层分化的叙述，而非一个关于新阶级兴起的解释。

[Rohit · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book brings forward some great research and analysis on class structures, education policy, and politics in China during the socialist era (pre-1976). It draws on a lots of interesting interviews, primary texts and data-sets, and original research. The thesis, that China's "new class" of ruling elites was drawn from a merging of old educated elites and new political party elites, was argued very persuasively. The book is written very well, in a clear and concise manner, and takes time to explain political science and sociology frameworks that it draws on, as well as the basic background history and politics necessary to understand what's going on.

I would have liked to see more analysis and commentary on the technical/scientific/engineering dimensions of the projects the book lightly covers, such as the experimental nuclear reactor, or the factories and foundries and shops that were established at Tsinghua during the Cultural Revolution; indeed, I had originally thought that the book was going to be much more about the way engineering and science changed during China's socialist era. But this is ultimately outside the scope of the book, so I guess my fault for not reading the back of the book too closely :(

[!Tæmbuŝu]

KOBOBOOKS

[Patrick · Rating 4 out of 5]

A great, classic sociological study of education and training in the professional context during the cultural Revolution and after.