The book is co-authored by 4 authors and thus you can clearly see their respective backgrounds and styles throughout the chapters. Beside the interesting subject, I was mainly drawn to read this book due to the involvement of Alex De Waal, a veteran Sudan scholar. He provided a comprehensive historical treatment of the various Darfurian players and the power dynamics between African and Arab tribes in the region and how they interacted with the successive post-independence regimes in Khartoum.
In the following chapters other authors delved into the main topic of the 2019 uprising, the precursors and the aftermath. Sudan’s Professionals Association (SPA) which was arguably the most important player in mobilizing the streets is discussed followed by the broad coalition of Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC). The book argues that the flat non-hierarchical structure of SPA was its main strength during the mobilization phase, but it became a liability in the transitional period. Despite the promising nature of FFC as an all-inclusive civilian assembly, the authors explain how it was doomed to fail due to the diverging views held by its members.
The uneasy and dividing negotiations between civilians and the military which culminated on the August 2019 Constitutional Declaration are discussed. Despite the initial optimism brought about by the technocratic cabinet led by prime minister Abdalla Hamdok who came with a brilliant peace and development framework. Soon however it became apparent that their efforts were doomed to failure due to shambolic state of the subsidies burdened economy which required urgent revival and the technocrats’ inexperience in Sudan’s transactional politics, a recurring theme throughout the book. To Sudan’s misfortune, the transition coincided with Donal Trump’s presidency which was transactional on its own right and delegated its foreign policy in the region to Israel and the Arab troika (Egypt, Saudi Arabia & UAE) whom the military was far more fluent in conversing with them. Hence, despite Hamdok’s best efforts, the removal of Sudan from US States Sponsor of Terror (SST), lifting of remaining sanctions and its qualification for debt forgiveness schemes were among the US least priorities despite the urgency of the situation.
Peace was a priority to Hamdok’s government as it should be. An overview of the major rebel groups is presented. The 2020 Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) was another version of Sudanese payroll peace which involves power and wealth sharing. In 2005 the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) which was signed with the South Sudanese rebels worked due to the country’s better finances at the time. JPA was more inflated due to the presence of more parties, and it coincided with more dire economic times. Security sector reform was essentially impossible given the many new signatories i.e. Justice & Equality Movement (JEM), Sudan Liberation Army-Minnawi (SLM) and Sudan People Liberation Movement North- Arman & Agar (SPLA-N).
In chapter 5 a comparative analysis of the 3 post-independence uprisings i.e. 1964, 1985 & 2019 is provided. Parallels such as the repeating cycle of revolution, transition, civilian led parliamentary government and military coup is highlighted. The central figure being the Umma party representing the conservative forces. It has always outsmarted others by participating in uprisings just to cooperate with the military in the transitional period, making major gains at parliament and miserably failing at governing. On the other hand, major distinctive characteristics are also highlighted such as how 1964 uprising represented the highest point of labour representation in a transitional government or how 2019 was different due to the sustained mobilization, the proximity of the periphery (Khartoum shanty towns) and greater women participation. Lastly, the authors explain how none of Sudan’s uprisings fit a theoretical revolutionary definition and how to the contrary, the military coups are more fitting to such definitions. Nonetheless, those uprisings can be truly thought of as uniquely Sudanese in genesis and character.
The book ends with the October 2021 coup, which is understandable given that it was published before the eruption of Sudan’s civil war in 2023. As a Sudanese who lived through many of the mentioned events or their aftermath, I would highly recommend reading this book for anyone keen on understanding the successive failures of the country since 1956 and how when the people finally mustered the strength to bring about change it was robbed of them just to archive their hopes and dreams as another episode of the country’s tragic history.