I have been dreading writing this review: I like Derecka, I think she’s cool, and I’m sure she will do great things for the abolition movement! One might expect an author on abolition to be callous, bombastic, and uncompromising, but that couldn’t be further from who Derecka is: she is empathetic, caring, and says introspectively self-aware stuff like, “I would come to significantly disagree with myself later on this point. Growth requires us to constantly evaluate the ideas we hold dear.” (Also, it didn’t help that since I finished this book, Dobbs became law.)
I went into this book expecting it to be a “how-to” book on abolition. And for whatever reason, I held on to that expectation even though Derecka wrote in the introduction, “This is not a “how-to” book on becoming an abolitionist… The purpose of this book is to share the freedom dreams and real contradictions of a movement that I and many abolitionists hold dear.” But if it’s not a “how-to” book, then what is it? This is not a rhetorical question. I don’t know what this book is.
I think the book tries to do too much, and ironically ends up doing too little. The book is written in a very discursive manner, moving from tangent to tangent [Footnote 1] . A lot of these tangents are anecdotes supported by footnotes (there is over 350 of them) but it’s hard to see how these tangents, anecdotes, and footnotes address the major themes of the book.
So, I hate to do it – but I’ve had to largely reject Derecka’s organization, because I can’t make sense of it, and instead I’ve organized my review into what I think are the real themes: 1) why abolish and not just reform, 2) why are people opposed to abolition, 3) what about the murderers and the rapists. Additionally, I think there are two borderline themes that are quite underwhelming: 4) capitalism, 5) and how do we abolish.
1. Why not just reform instead of abolishing?
The book opens: We called the police for almost everything… calling them felt like something… and something feels like everything when your other option is nothing. [But] police couldn’t do what we really needed. They could not heal relationships or provide jobs they did not interrupt violence; they escalated it.
I think that’s as good of a summary as one can make about the need for abolition. The working class suffers because they lack the resources they need, and instead of spending money to address the root causes of those resource shortages – we spend a lot of money on policing. And the police only have one job: doling out legally sanctioned violence.
Violence can’t build you a house, put food on your table, or help you recover from trauma. Instead, violence evicts people we decide don’t deserve housing. Violence is how we separate parents who are struggling to meet their children’s needs. And violence puts the mentally ill in a cage.
Which police reforms address these material needs?
After each video of police killings goes viral [like George Floyd] , popular reforms go on tour: ban chokeholds, invest in community policing, diversity hires – none of which would have saved George Floyd.
And reforms only address “the most extreme of examples: most victims of law enforcement violence survive. No hashtags or protest or fires for the wounded, assaulted, and intimidated… What if the cop who killed George Floyd kneeled on Floyd’s neck for only eight minutes?.. He would have lived to be arrested, prosecuted, and imprisoned for allegedly attempting to use counterfeit $20… Too often the public calls for justice when black people are killed by the police ignore the daily injustice of victims that live.”
And after society has made it clear there is a problem and there needs to be a police reform – all it really does at a fundamental level is give even more money to the cops, the perpetrators of the problem: more cops, more specialized cops, better benefits for cops, and competitive salaries.
Reforms that aren’t cash grabs, like prosecuting killer cops, don’t fix the problem either. “Data shows police still kill around a thousand people each year. If cops were not getting the message by now, then how many more people would have to die before they do? And for activists, I had to ask myself, do we want more convictions? Or do we want to save lives?”
Last, even the best police – your dad, your best friend from high school - surveil, arrest, and detain millions. Police are violence to our community. And no reform can fix this.
2. Why are people opposed to abolition?
“When people come across police abolition for the first time, they tend to dismiss abolitionists for not caring about neighborhood safety or the victims of violence.” Derecka recounts a time when a black man dismisses abolition outright, because he has to “look at his brown son every day to tell him something useful for his survival.”
Abolition isn’t happening tomorrow, and until abolition happens, people like that man’s son will suffer. How does abolition address their needs, today? And if it doesn’t address their needs today, why should they care?
“Further, if we abolish police, what’s the alternative?” Derecka answers this by saying that just because she doesn’t have the answer, doesn’t mean there isn’t one. I kind of personally like Derecka’s response, but it certainly isn’t persuasive.
But not all opposition to abolition is this incisive. In fact, quite a few are in bad faith. “Those in favor of the status quo think common sense is enough to understand what abolitionists want.” Derecka says that she has been on numerous panels with these opponents and always asks them if they have read anything about abolition. None of them have ever said yes.
However, the most prolific opposition to abolition gets its own section:
3. What about the murderers and rapists?
“I used to feel threatened by that question, even when it had been my own… It was supposed to be a “gotcha” question. Time after time, they demanded an answer for every possible scenario of violence, and when I could not provide a specific one, I would feel bad, uncomfortable, or unknowledgeable… [but these ardent defenders of the status quo can’t explain why with] trillions of dollars, they can’t clear murders.”
Derecka reframes the question as First, “Why do we kill people?” And then once you identify those reasons ask, “Can police or prisons prevent or stop this violence?”
And third, Derecka believes that “By disaggregating homicides into digestible social problems, we could brainstorm various solutions to stop, prevent, and respond to harm now, as we were eradicating the root causes.”
What about the rapists? “The moniker, rapist, is typically reserved for strangers, serial actors waiting to abduct a helpless soul late at night. But this violence usually happens among our families and friends, spouses, and boyfriends. Today, right wing culture warriors are trying to “save kids” from trans women lurking in the shadows. But in reality, kids experience violence overwhelmingly from the people with whom they share their bathrooms at home.
Notably more than half of the women surveyed reported to the police because they wanted the violence to stop, not to send someone to prison. Other women no longer desired to be in the relationship, but wanted their husbands to co-parent their children, an extremely difficult feat from prison and subsequently with a criminal record.
Are rapes currently being solved and prevented by police? Survivors of sexual violence underreport rapes to police and when they do, they may complete a rape kit to gather evidence for verification or prosecution. These kits collect dust while sitting on shelves waiting to be processed.
Police don’t stop people from killing and raping each other. They don’t even solve most of the ones that currently happen.
4. Capitalism
“Understanding abolition’s relationship to capitalism is essential to our liberation. Capitalism… a system that categorizes groups of people for the purpose of exploiting, excluding, and extracting their labor toward the profit of another.”
It’s clear that Derecka is anti-capitalist. Capitalism is raised as an issue in just about every chapter, but it’s never the main point. She also never tells us exactly what capitalism is – she just describes aspects of it. And these aspects of capitalism by and large could describe any system of oppression that preceded capitalism.
In the introduction, Derecka says “Capitalists need policing the most – to protect their property.” But never expounds upon this. The most incisive commentary of capitalism is buried in a personal anecdote in chapter 1, when her boss at the time explains that “police protect private property, and people who control the property can control the police.” But understanding this requires quite a bit of political education that one doesn’t get in US public schools and universities.
She never labels capitalism as the root cause to all other root causes. And she never tells us what we will replace capitalism with, or how we will do it.
5. How do we abolish?
“Police manage inequality by [maintaining the capitalist status quo]… Reforms only make police polite managers of inequality. Abolition makes police and inequality obsolete.”
Surprisingly, “how do we abolish” really only comes up twice. The first time is buried in in the middle of the book, and it sounds a whole lot like… reform.
- Abolishing the police felt like a mammoth task that initially seemed unfathomable as a pragmatic approach to police violence. We can make policing obsolete in incremental changes, as long as we’re moving in the right direction…
- Praxis: make policing obsolete by reducing the police, reducing the reasons why people need police, reducing the reasons why people think they need police, and building a society where we have just relationship to each other, our labor, our communities, and our planet…
- Suggests that we first analyze our individual ideas and reliance on law enforcement. What do we think cops do? How do they make us feel? What kinds of situations can we address right now without police? What people, places, and practices do we need to rely on to keep ourselves safe before an emergency happens
“How-to” doesn’t emerge again until the Conclusion. “Activists or abolition curious people will often ask me, “what does abolition look like to you?” She says “my answers change all the time” before giving us 6 bullet points: Neighborhood councils who make the difficult decisions, 24-hour childcare, art and conflict mediation centers, free health care, green teams, and a dream center.
The closest “how-to” that we get is in the penultimate paragraph: “We need rebellions and riots as much as we need sit-ins and marches. We privilege “peace,” but peace alone has never gotten anyone free. We need non-violence direct action and a diversity of tactics because we have lives, communities, and a planet worth fighting for.”
Although the book is filled with great quips (which I call bumperstickers [footnote 2] ), if someone was looking for substance on either “what is abolition” or “how will we achieve it,” I think they’ll leave feeling dissatisfied. I know that Derecka will write a great memoir, and a magnum opus on abolition - just as two separate and distinct books.
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Footnotes
1 Discursive writing:
The book is divided into 8 chapters, but it is unclear why these delineations were chosen. I can’t distinguish many of the chapters from each other, and as it moves from tangent to tangent, I can’t make find what weaves them all together. Here are what I thought were the topics discussed in the first 3 chapters:
Chapter 1: Her mother’s views on justice in the 90’s, her father’s tragic death, schools as prisons, school to prison pipeline, JROTC, Hurricane Katrina, the appeal of Obama, Chinese immigrants [not Mexicans] were the impetus for “illegal immigration,” contemporary “Christian culture” and homosexuality, housing discrimination against felons, George Zimmerman, Christianity, and acceptance of homosexuals, teaching middle school, Obama warns protesters. Chapter 2: Grandfather’s workhouse, Michael Brown, Ferguson, tanks and tear gas, Young Citizens Council of St. Louis, Harvard Orientation, stop-and-frisk/ racial profiling, etymology of cop, Barbados and South Carolina, Running away from slave patrols and Walter Scott Chapter 3: Zimmerman is back, Eric Garner, Akai Gurley, Freddie Gray, Body Cams, her friend’s headline: “accused looter found dead 2 days after being charged,” Marilyn Mosby (Freddie Gray’s DA), Fredrick Douglas vs Mr. Covey, Back to Ferguson – longest continually held demonstration in the US, Derecka gets tear gassed, International Fellowship of Reconciliation
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2 Bumperstickers:
When I typed up my notes from the book, I had 17 pages of notes. I don’t think these are bad points. I just couldn’t find a way to fit them in my review. I’ve narrowed them down to a single page (which is still a lot):
The same systems responsible for our oppression cannot be the same systems responsible for our justice.
But here is the catch – if we are committed to an abolitionist future, we have no choice but to love all. To love all is to fight relentlessly to end exploitation and oppression everywhere, even on behalf of those who hated us.
Counter to the tone of the emails, cops did not stand guard in front of each home at night in dangerous neighborhoods to catch bullets that crept through windows to keep us safe. They show up after the life has been taken. I wanted to save lives.
Being a good lawyer was not enough for our freedom, especially since many of the nation’s well-trained lawyers preserve oppression
[Black-on-black crime] and senseless are terms that can lead to more police funding, patrols, surveillance, and criminalization.
We have to stop assuming that one person is responsible for the violence they perpetuate.
The desire to humanize obscured the full range of how human beings look, even our abolitionist heroes [like Harriet Tubman]
[Abolition is more than just police and prisons] abolitionists often missed the need to abolish institutionalizing practices, which can be as or more carceral than police and prisons.
[Various movements seem to lack intersectionality and cooperativity. Racial justice movements have not incorporated disability movements, and] the inverse was true, too: disability rights movements have often obscured racial and economic exploitation in its advocacy
The British and the Dutch could have ended their oppressive regimes, repatriated the land, and paid reparation. They chose not to … [because] land, wealth, and resources are more important than human life
“I have a dream speech”, MLK acknowledged that we cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one
Activists cannot call the police on the capitalists because the police are there to protect the capitalists
BIPOC and working class are hit hardest by the effects of climate change though they contribute the least to its acceleration
If [slavery] abolitionists had wanted to convince every single person that freedom was worth the pursuit, black people might still be on plantations.
Who chose to have police?
[Abolition as “not getting rid of police” but rather] opportunity to reduce and eliminate harm in the first place
Fredrick Douglas: “It was slavery, not it’s mere incidents that I hated” … Derecka: Was it mere incidents of police that I hated? The shootings, chokeholds, and arrests? Or was it the institution and what it was designed to do?
And if People who care about ending police violence aren’t careful, we could miss the forest for the trees