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Anthology of Speeches and Quotes
Inclus le dernier Manifeste de José Antonio Primo de Rivera, écrit la veille du Soulèvement national ainsi que son Testament.Ce document est un recueil exclusif et rare de toutes les citations et réflexions du leader phalangiste espagnol José Antonio Primo de Rivera. Pensée méconnue car confondue à tort avec l'idéologie franquiste. Il affirme ici la réalité suprême et particulière de l'Espagne, se traduisant à travers une volonté impériale et le projet d'un État national-syndicaliste qui organisera corporativement la société espagnole tout en répudiant le système capitaliste mais également le marxisme. Il incorpore le sens catholique au coeur de sa pensée et le met au coeur de la reconstruction nationale. Cet ouvrage s'avère très intéressant pour appréhender cette pensée originale nationale-cléricale, tellement spécifique qu'elle ne peut se qualifier que par son propre nom : le phalangisme.
144 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1974
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March 15, 2022
Anthology by Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera
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In 1936, the thirty-three year old politician/barrister Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, was taken out into a field by the Spanish Republican government and executed. Jose Antonio was the son of the former Dictator of Spain. He was also the founder of the Spanish Falange, the Spanish crypto-fascist movement.
I know the Falange only by name as a movement tossed into the same stewpot as "Fascist" and "Nazi." Beyond that I knew nothing.
I still don't. This book is a collection of excerpts from speeches and writings of Jose Antonio. It is possible from this resource to outline some of the ideas that went into the Falangist movement. Jose Antonio's essential point seems to have been the need for "unity." This needs to be understood not only as unity between social classes, but also between regions of Spain, some of whom - Catalonia - were looking for independence. His answer to these problems was to exalt Spain, patria, and nationalism. This emphasis was in opposition to his opponents who were being supported by international Communism, which sought to eradicate Spanish tradition tout court.
Jose Antonio sought to avoid being lumped into the "Fascist" category. He refused to attend an international conference of fascists because he felt that the idea of an international movement was incompatible with the notion of nationalism. He also pointed out that there were substantial differences between National Socialism and Italian Fascism, not the least difference being the German embrace of romanticism, an attitude that he disdained. Interestingly, he mentions Aquinas as support for his positions on two occasions. Hitler never would have done such a thing.
Jose Antonio condemned both the Right and the Left. He wrote that the Right preserved tradition but did nothing to help the poor. He wrote:
"The Right wishes to preserve the Patria, to preserve unity, to preserve authority; but it ignores this anguish of the man, the individual, the fellow-creature who has nothing to eat.
And:
"The Right is the attempt to perpetuate an economic system even though it be an unjust one, and the Left is at heart the desire to overthrow an economic organization even though in its overthrow many good things should be ruined."
This observation was written in the dungeons of Security Police Headquarters before his execution:
"“Right” and “Left” are barren and incomplete values. The Right, through seeking to ignore the distress and urgent economic demands of the times, end up by depriving their religious and patriotic appeals of all human validity. The Left, through closing the minds of the masses to what is spiritual and national, end up by degrading economic conflict into the savagery of wild beasts. Today two total concepts of the world stand facing one another; whichever wins will finally break off the customary alternation. Either victory will go to the spiritual, Western, Christian, Spanish concept of life with all the service and sacrifice it involves, but with all the individual dignity and national honor it possesses, else victory will go to the materialist and Russian concept of life, which beyond subjecting Spaniards to the savage yoke of a Red Army and a ruthless policy, will disintegrate Spain into local republics."
On the other hand, the Falangists were committed to totalitarianism and to the cult of a Heroic Leader, who had not yet appeared.
I am not sure this is worth reading as a way of getting historical insights into the history of Spain. The character of Jose Antonio in himself seems interesting and heroic. His writings may have some insights but for the most part they seem to be limited to their era.
Please give my Amazon review a helpful vote - https://www.amazon.com/gp/customer-re...
In 1936, the thirty-three year old politician/barrister Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, was taken out into a field by the Spanish Republican government and executed. Jose Antonio was the son of the former Dictator of Spain. He was also the founder of the Spanish Falange, the Spanish crypto-fascist movement.
I know the Falange only by name as a movement tossed into the same stewpot as "Fascist" and "Nazi." Beyond that I knew nothing.
I still don't. This book is a collection of excerpts from speeches and writings of Jose Antonio. It is possible from this resource to outline some of the ideas that went into the Falangist movement. Jose Antonio's essential point seems to have been the need for "unity." This needs to be understood not only as unity between social classes, but also between regions of Spain, some of whom - Catalonia - were looking for independence. His answer to these problems was to exalt Spain, patria, and nationalism. This emphasis was in opposition to his opponents who were being supported by international Communism, which sought to eradicate Spanish tradition tout court.
Jose Antonio sought to avoid being lumped into the "Fascist" category. He refused to attend an international conference of fascists because he felt that the idea of an international movement was incompatible with the notion of nationalism. He also pointed out that there were substantial differences between National Socialism and Italian Fascism, not the least difference being the German embrace of romanticism, an attitude that he disdained. Interestingly, he mentions Aquinas as support for his positions on two occasions. Hitler never would have done such a thing.
Jose Antonio condemned both the Right and the Left. He wrote that the Right preserved tradition but did nothing to help the poor. He wrote:
"The Right wishes to preserve the Patria, to preserve unity, to preserve authority; but it ignores this anguish of the man, the individual, the fellow-creature who has nothing to eat.
And:
"The Right is the attempt to perpetuate an economic system even though it be an unjust one, and the Left is at heart the desire to overthrow an economic organization even though in its overthrow many good things should be ruined."
This observation was written in the dungeons of Security Police Headquarters before his execution:
"“Right” and “Left” are barren and incomplete values. The Right, through seeking to ignore the distress and urgent economic demands of the times, end up by depriving their religious and patriotic appeals of all human validity. The Left, through closing the minds of the masses to what is spiritual and national, end up by degrading economic conflict into the savagery of wild beasts. Today two total concepts of the world stand facing one another; whichever wins will finally break off the customary alternation. Either victory will go to the spiritual, Western, Christian, Spanish concept of life with all the service and sacrifice it involves, but with all the individual dignity and national honor it possesses, else victory will go to the materialist and Russian concept of life, which beyond subjecting Spaniards to the savage yoke of a Red Army and a ruthless policy, will disintegrate Spain into local republics."
On the other hand, the Falangists were committed to totalitarianism and to the cult of a Heroic Leader, who had not yet appeared.
I am not sure this is worth reading as a way of getting historical insights into the history of Spain. The character of Jose Antonio in himself seems interesting and heroic. His writings may have some insights but for the most part they seem to be limited to their era.
December 14, 2018
Man of courage, action, and integrity. Will be reflecting on this book for sometime to come.
December 12, 2023
His father was dictator in the 20s and from his writing it's fairly obvious he felt his father's one weakness in leadership was his rhetorical strategy. Jose is not a fascist, he instead envisions something different for Spain. He acknowledges some strengths of fascist government as well as some weaknesses. He admires the nationalization of the credit system in Hitler's Germany and wants something similar for Spain's workers complete with a guild system like older days. He seems to reject though the philosophy of race and soil that is so prevalent in Germany. Instead, he wants something higher to unite the Spaniards as well as all Latin American descendants around the world, as he says empire is a part of who Spain is. He says that uniting spirit is the Catholic faith which will work with the State he has envisioned for Spain but never trample on it. He hates the Liberal capitalist systems of the West. He says capitalism always turns to Communism which he says is abhorrent. He says Marx was correct in his critique of capitalism but not in his solutions, and is anti-revolution generally. His vision of what a state is is one with a destiny, one that has a mission, and one that is very aware of its people's history, culture, and religion. He wants military at the center of Spanish life and the family unit to be its greatest weapon. He critiques Liberal systems like the US and UK to be merely systems of laws that keep society in somewhat order as they inevitably fall into decadence. I am writing out some of my favorite quotes from the book below, mostly to reinforce them for myself and to highlight some common themes strikingly similar to the situation today.
"One must believe in something. When has anyone got anywhere with a liberal point of view? The only fruitful cases, frankly, that I am aware of have come from the politics of belief, in one sense or another. When a State lets itself be won over to the conviction that nothing is good or evil and that its only duty is that of a policeman, that State perishes at the first warm blast of positive belief, in a series of municipal elections."
"Liberalism is on one hand, the regime without faith, the regime that hands over everything, even the essentials of the country's destiny, to free discussion. For Liberalism, nothing is absolutely true or false. The truth is, in each case, what the greater number of votes say. Thus it does not matter to Liberalism if a people agrees upon suicide, provided that the proposed suicide is carried out in accordance with the electoral practice."
"The leader should not obey the public; he should serve it, which is a different thing. To serve it means to direct the exercise of the command for the people's good, achieving the good of the people ruled, even though the people itself be unaware of what its good is; in other words, to feel himself in tune with the people's historical destiny, even though dissenting with what the masses feel a desire for."
"The urge to set everything rolling, come what may, is a frame of mind typical of exhausted and degenerate periods. To set everything rolling is easier than collecting loose ends, tying them up again, sorting out the serviceable from the perished... Is not perhaps Laziness the Muse of many a revolution?"
"Liberalism (it may be described thus because the raising of a barrier against tyranny was just what the revolutionary Constitutions aimed at), liberalism has its great period, the one during which it establishes all men as equals before the law, a victory from which there can be no retrocession. But this victory once achieved, and its great period over, liberalism begins to find itself with nothing to do, and spends its time destroying itself."
"Socialism, thus understood, sees nothing in history but the play of economic forces; everything spiritual is suppressed, religion is the opium of the people, patriotism is a myth of the exploitation of the under-dog; Socialism says all this. Nothing exists but production and economic organization. Workmen, therefore, must wring their souls well out, lest the least drop of spirituality should remain within them... Finally, Socialism proclaims the monstrous dogma of class warfare; it proclaims the dogma that warfare between classes is indispensable and produced naturally in life, because there is no possibility of there ever being any appeasing agent. So Socialism, which started out as a just critique of economic liberalism has brought us, by a different route, the same fruits of economic liberalism: disunity, hatred, separation, forgetfulness of every bond of brotherhood and solidarity between men."
"If the Socialist revolution were nothing more than the setting up of a new order in the economic field, we should not be alarmed. The fact is that the Socialist revolution is something far deeper. It is the victory of the materialist interpretation of life and history; it is the violent substitution of irreligion for religion; the substitution of the closed and embittered Class for the Patria; the grouping of men by classes and not the grouping of men of all classes with in the Patria which is common to them all; it is the replacement of individual freedom by an iron subjection to a State which not only regulates our labour, as in an ant heap, but also implacably regulates our recreation. It is all that. It is the sweeping advent of an order that annihilates western Christian civilization; it is the sign that marks the close of a civilization which we, brought up as we are in its essential values, decline to recognize as doomed"
"While the Lateran Treaty is being signed in Rome, we here are making allegations that Fascism is anti-Catholic; Fascism, which in Italy, after ninety years of Masonic Liberalism, has restored the Crucifix and religious instruction in the schools. I can understand the uneasiness in Protestant countries where a conflict might be possible between the national religious tradition and the Catholic fervor of a minority. But in Spain, what can the exaltation of that which is genuinely national lead to, except the discovery of the Catholic factors in our world mission?"
"The Spanish Monarchy had been a historical executive instrument for the attainment of the of the greatest of universal ends. It had founded and maintained an empire, and it has sounded and maintained it precisely though that which constituted its prime virtue: the virtue of representing the unity of command. Without unity of command one gets nowhere. But the Monarchy ceased to be a unity of command quite a long time ago. By Phillip III, the King no longer ruled; the King, continued to be the outward symbol, but the exercise of power fell into the hands of strong men and of Ministers: of Lerma, of Olivares, of Aranda, of Godoy. When Charles IV came to the throne, the Monarchy was now no more than a shadow without substance. The Monarchy which had started in the camp that retired to the seclusion of the Cortes. The Spanish people is implacable in its realism; the Spanish people, which demand that its patron Saints shall bring rain when it is needed, and turns their images back to front on the altar if they don't bring it; the Spanish people, I repeat did not understand this shadow of a Monarchy without power. That is why that shadow fell from its place on April the 14th 1931, without even a platoon of the Lifeguards putting up a fight."
"The Republic, instead of laying itself out to better the people's lot by a generous police, excited it by aggressive propaganda and then left it empty-handed- no less hungry than before, and angrier. A crude and embittered Marxism prevented the national and the social from being harmonized. Social policy in many respects took on an insolent frame of mind, an air of conquerer's arrogance. Children in schools began raising the clenched fist, and Socialist workmen began looking about them in the street with the haughtiness of people who, if they tolerate the rest of mankind's existence at all, do so out of pure condescension. A Russian, Asiatic, despotic atmosphere brooded over everything. The dictatorship of the proletariat was beginning to loom ahead."
"'Right' and 'Left' are barren and incomplete values. The Right, through seeking to ignore the distress and urgent economic demands of the times, ends up depriving their religious and patriotic appeals of all human validity. The Left, through closing the minds of the masses to what is spiritual and national, end up by degrading economic conflict into the savagery of wild beasts. Today two total concepts of the world stand facing one another; whichever wins will finally break off the customary alternation. Either victory will go to the spiritual, Western, Christian, Spanish concept of life with all the service and sacrifice it involves, but with all the individual dignity and national honor it possesses, else victory will go the materialist and Russian concept of life, which beyond subjecting Spaniards to the savage yoke of a Red Army and a ruthless policy, will disintegrate Spain into local republics."
"Local separatism is the decadence that arises at the exact moment when men forget that their Patria is no the obvious physical thing that can be perceived even in the most primitive state of spontaneity."
"The 'feeling' of the movement now coming to the fore is fundamentally anti-Spanish. It is hostile to the the Patria. It scorns chastity by encouraging the collective prostitution of young working girls at those country festivals where every sort of impurity is practiced; it undermines the family, which has been supplanted in Russia by free love, by collective eating-houses, by facilities for divorce and abortion, and it disowns that sentiment of honor which has always inspired the actions of Spaniards even in the humblest circumstances. Today every villainy reigns in Spain: men are slain in cowardly fashion, a hundred against one; the truth is falsified by authorities; defamation is inflicted by filthy libels, and the mouths of the injured parties are stopped so that they cannot defend themselves; the traitor the informer are rewarded...Is this Spain? Is this the people of Spain? You would think were living in a nightmare, or that the ancient Spanish people- serene, courageous, generous- had been replaced by a frenzied and degenerate plebs, drugged with Communist propaganda pamphlets. Only in the worst moments of the nineteenth century has our people known times like these, and they themselves lacked the acuteness of today."
"For several decades we had been listening to defeatist teachings and propaganda, and we had almost reached the stage of losing faith in ourselves. The Spain of those days was the heir of a Spain of weaknesses, of limping indecisions, of picturesque posturing: the Madrid of the Fornos cafe and the "Cuarta de Apolo," of swashbuckling journalists, of those who gaily flaunted their capes while the remains of the Spanish Empire were being lost. We had got accustomed to a life of mediocrity and coarse pretentiousness"
"When confronted with the resolute will to attack, a cold passive intention to resist is not enough to suffice. One faith must be opposed by another. Not even in the greatest imperial times, when so much exists that is worth of preservation, is the passive aim of preserving it sufficient. A nation is always a job to be done, and Spain is so in a very special war. Either the executrix of a world mission, or the victim of a speedy process of integration."
"When one possesses a fixed feeling in regard to history and life, that feeling itself provides the solutions when faced with concrete facts, just as love tells us in what case we ought to fight and in what cases we ought to embrace, though a true feeling of love has no sort of ready-made program of embraces or of strife."
"We will take down the economic machine of capitalist ownership, which swallows all the profits, and replace it by individual ownership, family ownership, common ownership, and syndical ownership."
"One must believe in something. When has anyone got anywhere with a liberal point of view? The only fruitful cases, frankly, that I am aware of have come from the politics of belief, in one sense or another. When a State lets itself be won over to the conviction that nothing is good or evil and that its only duty is that of a policeman, that State perishes at the first warm blast of positive belief, in a series of municipal elections."
"Liberalism is on one hand, the regime without faith, the regime that hands over everything, even the essentials of the country's destiny, to free discussion. For Liberalism, nothing is absolutely true or false. The truth is, in each case, what the greater number of votes say. Thus it does not matter to Liberalism if a people agrees upon suicide, provided that the proposed suicide is carried out in accordance with the electoral practice."
"The leader should not obey the public; he should serve it, which is a different thing. To serve it means to direct the exercise of the command for the people's good, achieving the good of the people ruled, even though the people itself be unaware of what its good is; in other words, to feel himself in tune with the people's historical destiny, even though dissenting with what the masses feel a desire for."
"The urge to set everything rolling, come what may, is a frame of mind typical of exhausted and degenerate periods. To set everything rolling is easier than collecting loose ends, tying them up again, sorting out the serviceable from the perished... Is not perhaps Laziness the Muse of many a revolution?"
"Liberalism (it may be described thus because the raising of a barrier against tyranny was just what the revolutionary Constitutions aimed at), liberalism has its great period, the one during which it establishes all men as equals before the law, a victory from which there can be no retrocession. But this victory once achieved, and its great period over, liberalism begins to find itself with nothing to do, and spends its time destroying itself."
"Socialism, thus understood, sees nothing in history but the play of economic forces; everything spiritual is suppressed, religion is the opium of the people, patriotism is a myth of the exploitation of the under-dog; Socialism says all this. Nothing exists but production and economic organization. Workmen, therefore, must wring their souls well out, lest the least drop of spirituality should remain within them... Finally, Socialism proclaims the monstrous dogma of class warfare; it proclaims the dogma that warfare between classes is indispensable and produced naturally in life, because there is no possibility of there ever being any appeasing agent. So Socialism, which started out as a just critique of economic liberalism has brought us, by a different route, the same fruits of economic liberalism: disunity, hatred, separation, forgetfulness of every bond of brotherhood and solidarity between men."
"If the Socialist revolution were nothing more than the setting up of a new order in the economic field, we should not be alarmed. The fact is that the Socialist revolution is something far deeper. It is the victory of the materialist interpretation of life and history; it is the violent substitution of irreligion for religion; the substitution of the closed and embittered Class for the Patria; the grouping of men by classes and not the grouping of men of all classes with in the Patria which is common to them all; it is the replacement of individual freedom by an iron subjection to a State which not only regulates our labour, as in an ant heap, but also implacably regulates our recreation. It is all that. It is the sweeping advent of an order that annihilates western Christian civilization; it is the sign that marks the close of a civilization which we, brought up as we are in its essential values, decline to recognize as doomed"
"While the Lateran Treaty is being signed in Rome, we here are making allegations that Fascism is anti-Catholic; Fascism, which in Italy, after ninety years of Masonic Liberalism, has restored the Crucifix and religious instruction in the schools. I can understand the uneasiness in Protestant countries where a conflict might be possible between the national religious tradition and the Catholic fervor of a minority. But in Spain, what can the exaltation of that which is genuinely national lead to, except the discovery of the Catholic factors in our world mission?"
"The Spanish Monarchy had been a historical executive instrument for the attainment of the of the greatest of universal ends. It had founded and maintained an empire, and it has sounded and maintained it precisely though that which constituted its prime virtue: the virtue of representing the unity of command. Without unity of command one gets nowhere. But the Monarchy ceased to be a unity of command quite a long time ago. By Phillip III, the King no longer ruled; the King, continued to be the outward symbol, but the exercise of power fell into the hands of strong men and of Ministers: of Lerma, of Olivares, of Aranda, of Godoy. When Charles IV came to the throne, the Monarchy was now no more than a shadow without substance. The Monarchy which had started in the camp that retired to the seclusion of the Cortes. The Spanish people is implacable in its realism; the Spanish people, which demand that its patron Saints shall bring rain when it is needed, and turns their images back to front on the altar if they don't bring it; the Spanish people, I repeat did not understand this shadow of a Monarchy without power. That is why that shadow fell from its place on April the 14th 1931, without even a platoon of the Lifeguards putting up a fight."
"The Republic, instead of laying itself out to better the people's lot by a generous police, excited it by aggressive propaganda and then left it empty-handed- no less hungry than before, and angrier. A crude and embittered Marxism prevented the national and the social from being harmonized. Social policy in many respects took on an insolent frame of mind, an air of conquerer's arrogance. Children in schools began raising the clenched fist, and Socialist workmen began looking about them in the street with the haughtiness of people who, if they tolerate the rest of mankind's existence at all, do so out of pure condescension. A Russian, Asiatic, despotic atmosphere brooded over everything. The dictatorship of the proletariat was beginning to loom ahead."
"'Right' and 'Left' are barren and incomplete values. The Right, through seeking to ignore the distress and urgent economic demands of the times, ends up depriving their religious and patriotic appeals of all human validity. The Left, through closing the minds of the masses to what is spiritual and national, end up by degrading economic conflict into the savagery of wild beasts. Today two total concepts of the world stand facing one another; whichever wins will finally break off the customary alternation. Either victory will go to the spiritual, Western, Christian, Spanish concept of life with all the service and sacrifice it involves, but with all the individual dignity and national honor it possesses, else victory will go the materialist and Russian concept of life, which beyond subjecting Spaniards to the savage yoke of a Red Army and a ruthless policy, will disintegrate Spain into local republics."
"Local separatism is the decadence that arises at the exact moment when men forget that their Patria is no the obvious physical thing that can be perceived even in the most primitive state of spontaneity."
"The 'feeling' of the movement now coming to the fore is fundamentally anti-Spanish. It is hostile to the the Patria. It scorns chastity by encouraging the collective prostitution of young working girls at those country festivals where every sort of impurity is practiced; it undermines the family, which has been supplanted in Russia by free love, by collective eating-houses, by facilities for divorce and abortion, and it disowns that sentiment of honor which has always inspired the actions of Spaniards even in the humblest circumstances. Today every villainy reigns in Spain: men are slain in cowardly fashion, a hundred against one; the truth is falsified by authorities; defamation is inflicted by filthy libels, and the mouths of the injured parties are stopped so that they cannot defend themselves; the traitor the informer are rewarded...Is this Spain? Is this the people of Spain? You would think were living in a nightmare, or that the ancient Spanish people- serene, courageous, generous- had been replaced by a frenzied and degenerate plebs, drugged with Communist propaganda pamphlets. Only in the worst moments of the nineteenth century has our people known times like these, and they themselves lacked the acuteness of today."
"For several decades we had been listening to defeatist teachings and propaganda, and we had almost reached the stage of losing faith in ourselves. The Spain of those days was the heir of a Spain of weaknesses, of limping indecisions, of picturesque posturing: the Madrid of the Fornos cafe and the "Cuarta de Apolo," of swashbuckling journalists, of those who gaily flaunted their capes while the remains of the Spanish Empire were being lost. We had got accustomed to a life of mediocrity and coarse pretentiousness"
"When confronted with the resolute will to attack, a cold passive intention to resist is not enough to suffice. One faith must be opposed by another. Not even in the greatest imperial times, when so much exists that is worth of preservation, is the passive aim of preserving it sufficient. A nation is always a job to be done, and Spain is so in a very special war. Either the executrix of a world mission, or the victim of a speedy process of integration."
"When one possesses a fixed feeling in regard to history and life, that feeling itself provides the solutions when faced with concrete facts, just as love tells us in what case we ought to fight and in what cases we ought to embrace, though a true feeling of love has no sort of ready-made program of embraces or of strife."
"We will take down the economic machine of capitalist ownership, which swallows all the profits, and replace it by individual ownership, family ownership, common ownership, and syndical ownership."
October 3, 2025
José Antonio Primo de Rivera was the intellectual thought leader of the Falange Española a political movement in interwar Spain. The Falange would eventually emerge within the victorious coalition of nationalists in the Spanish Civil War however Primo de Rivera wouldn't live to see it having been imprisoned and executed via firing squad on the eve of the war. However he would be immortalized by Francoist Spain as a political martyr with "José Antonio ¡Presente!" being common.
Included within the quotes are critiques of capitalism, marxism, socialism, communism, and the call to unity amongst Spanish patriots.
"A dream of unity and a common task, as against the narrow particularism and retrogression of the suicidal disintegrations."
"There are only two serious ways of life: the religious way and the military..."
"The night before last, two young Falangists were murdered in Seville... One was a humble painter; the other, a poor student who had a job with the Railway Company. Had they joined the Falange to defend capitalism? What had they to do with capitalism if anything, they were rather sufferers from its defects. They joined the Falange because they realized the whole world is going through a spiritual crisis, that the harmony between the destiny of men and the destiny of communities has broken down. They were not anarchists: they were not in favor of sacrificing the destiny of the community to that of the individual; they were not advocates of any form of all absorbing totalitarian State, and therefore they did not wish to the individual destiny disappear in that of the community. They believed that the way to regain harmony between the individual and the community was this union of the syndical idea with the national, which defends itself, against the lying tongues of those who misrepresent, and against the deaf ears of those who will not hear, in the Falangist system of ideas. So, they joined the ranks of the Falange, and they went out into the streets of Seville two nights ago to put up posters advertising a legally permitted newspaper. And while they were posting the bills on a wall they were shot down in cold blood; one fell dead on the pavement, and the other died in hospital a few hours later."
Included within the quotes are critiques of capitalism, marxism, socialism, communism, and the call to unity amongst Spanish patriots.
"A dream of unity and a common task, as against the narrow particularism and retrogression of the suicidal disintegrations."
"There are only two serious ways of life: the religious way and the military..."
"The night before last, two young Falangists were murdered in Seville... One was a humble painter; the other, a poor student who had a job with the Railway Company. Had they joined the Falange to defend capitalism? What had they to do with capitalism if anything, they were rather sufferers from its defects. They joined the Falange because they realized the whole world is going through a spiritual crisis, that the harmony between the destiny of men and the destiny of communities has broken down. They were not anarchists: they were not in favor of sacrificing the destiny of the community to that of the individual; they were not advocates of any form of all absorbing totalitarian State, and therefore they did not wish to the individual destiny disappear in that of the community. They believed that the way to regain harmony between the individual and the community was this union of the syndical idea with the national, which defends itself, against the lying tongues of those who misrepresent, and against the deaf ears of those who will not hear, in the Falangist system of ideas. So, they joined the ranks of the Falange, and they went out into the streets of Seville two nights ago to put up posters advertising a legally permitted newspaper. And while they were posting the bills on a wall they were shot down in cold blood; one fell dead on the pavement, and the other died in hospital a few hours later."
August 1, 2021
El Lenin español
December 15, 2025
one of the most quotable little books I've ever had, indispensable.
March 17, 2023
José Antonio Primo de Rivera, filho do ditador espanhol Miguel Primo de Rivera, sempre manifestara apreço pela política e pelo desejo de contribuir para o progresso da sua nação. Desde cedo, pertencera a organizações políticas estudantis (corporações de esquerda, curiosamente…). Assume-se como o mote para estruturar um partido político, conhecido por Falange Espanhola, com o motivo em recuperar o país e trazer de volta a tradição que os partidos de esquerda e direita tradicional pareciam afastar do cenário nacional. O partido não reconhece, nos seus primeiros tempos, a vertente fascista, até mesmo pela razão de, nessa altura, já existir um partido de extrema direita (JONS). A 11 de fevereiro de 1934, a Falange Espanhola anuncia a união com o partido JONS, envergando, em definitivo, pela ideologia nacionalista e fascista. Procuravam demarcar Espanha dos movimentos políticos que emergiam pela Europa fora: o socialismo, com grande expressão no leste europeu e, em sua medida, o liberalismo; remodelar e recriar a economia espanhola (afastando-se por completo do modelo económico socialista e capitalista), assim como devolver ao país a sua perspetiva mais conservadora e tradicional. José Antonio Primo de Rivera é preso e morto em 1936. O partido acaba, por fim, na subserviência de Franco.
Não obstante os discursos pautados de um eloquente nacionalismo e patriotismo, em simultâneo desafiadores do hoje politicamente correto, as palavras de Primo de Rivera propiciam boas reflexões sobre o melhor e o pior destes modelos totalitaristas, que compuseram uma grande fração do século XX. Se um dos focos da política de hoje passa por obnubilar o fascismo crescente em algumas políticas estatais, ler e refletir sobre os grandes lideres autoritários é vantajoso
"If the Socialist revolution were nothing more than the setting up of a new order in the economic field, we should not be alarmed. The fact is that the Socialist revolution is something far deeper. It is the victory of the materialist interpretation of life and history; it is the violent substitution of irreligion for religion; the substitution of the closed and embittered Class for the Patria; the grouping of men by classes and not the grouping of men of all classes within the Patria which is common to them all; it is the replacement of individual freedom by an iron subjection to a State which not only regulates our labour, as in an ant heap, but also implacably regulates our recreation. It is all that. It is the sweeping advent of an order that annihilates western Christian civilization; it is the sign that marks the close of a civilization which we, brought up as we are in its essential values, decline to recognize as doomed."
"The night before last, two young Falangists were murdered in Seville. Their names are Eduardo Rivas and Jerónimo de la Rosa. Were they “playboys of Fascism”? One was a humble painter; the other, a poor student who had a job with the Railway Company. Had the joined the Falange to defend capitalism? What had they to do with capitalism if anything, they were rather sufferers from its defects. They joined the Falange because they realized that the whole world is going through a spiritual crisis, that the harmony between the destiny of men and the destiny of communities has broken down. They were not anarchists: they were not in favor of sacrificing the destiny of the community to that of the individual; they were not advocates of any form of all absorbing totalitarian State, and therefore they did not wish to see the individual destiny disappear in that of the community. They believed that the way to regain harmony between the individual and the community was this union of the syndical idea with the national, which defends itself, against the lying tongues of those who misrepresent, and against the deaf ears of those who will not hear, in the Falangist system of ideas. So, they joined the ranks of the Falange, and they went out into the streets of Seville two nights ago to put up posters advertising a legally permitted newspaper. And while they were posting the bills on a wall they were shot down in cold blood; one fell dead on the pavement, and the other died in hospital a few hours later."
Não obstante os discursos pautados de um eloquente nacionalismo e patriotismo, em simultâneo desafiadores do hoje politicamente correto, as palavras de Primo de Rivera propiciam boas reflexões sobre o melhor e o pior destes modelos totalitaristas, que compuseram uma grande fração do século XX. Se um dos focos da política de hoje passa por obnubilar o fascismo crescente em algumas políticas estatais, ler e refletir sobre os grandes lideres autoritários é vantajoso
"If the Socialist revolution were nothing more than the setting up of a new order in the economic field, we should not be alarmed. The fact is that the Socialist revolution is something far deeper. It is the victory of the materialist interpretation of life and history; it is the violent substitution of irreligion for religion; the substitution of the closed and embittered Class for the Patria; the grouping of men by classes and not the grouping of men of all classes within the Patria which is common to them all; it is the replacement of individual freedom by an iron subjection to a State which not only regulates our labour, as in an ant heap, but also implacably regulates our recreation. It is all that. It is the sweeping advent of an order that annihilates western Christian civilization; it is the sign that marks the close of a civilization which we, brought up as we are in its essential values, decline to recognize as doomed."
"The night before last, two young Falangists were murdered in Seville. Their names are Eduardo Rivas and Jerónimo de la Rosa. Were they “playboys of Fascism”? One was a humble painter; the other, a poor student who had a job with the Railway Company. Had the joined the Falange to defend capitalism? What had they to do with capitalism if anything, they were rather sufferers from its defects. They joined the Falange because they realized that the whole world is going through a spiritual crisis, that the harmony between the destiny of men and the destiny of communities has broken down. They were not anarchists: they were not in favor of sacrificing the destiny of the community to that of the individual; they were not advocates of any form of all absorbing totalitarian State, and therefore they did not wish to see the individual destiny disappear in that of the community. They believed that the way to regain harmony between the individual and the community was this union of the syndical idea with the national, which defends itself, against the lying tongues of those who misrepresent, and against the deaf ears of those who will not hear, in the Falangist system of ideas. So, they joined the ranks of the Falange, and they went out into the streets of Seville two nights ago to put up posters advertising a legally permitted newspaper. And while they were posting the bills on a wall they were shot down in cold blood; one fell dead on the pavement, and the other died in hospital a few hours later."
October 1, 2025
José Antonio Primo de Rivera was the intellectual thought leader of the Falange Española a political movement in interwar Spain. The Falange would eventually emerge within the victorious coalition of nationalists in the Spanish Civil War however Primo de Rivera wouldn't live to see it having been imprisoned and executed via firing squad on the eve of the war. However he would be immortalized by Francoist Spain as a political martyr with "José Antonio ¡Presente!" being common.
Included within the quotes are critiques of capitalism, marxism, socialism, communism, and the call to unity amongst Spanish patriots.
"A dream of unity and a common task, as against the narrow particularism and retrogression of the suicidal disintegrations."
"There are only two serious ways of life: the religious way and the military..."
"The night before last, two young Falangists were murdered in Seville... One was a humble painter; the other, a poor student who had a job with the Railway Company. Had they joined the Falange to defend capitalism? What had they to do with capitalism if anything, they were rather sufferers from its defects. They joined the Falange because they realized the whole world is going through a spiritual crisis, that the harmony between the destiny of men and the destiny of communities has broken down. They were not anarchists: they were not in favor of sacrificing the destiny of the community to that of the individual; they were not advocates of any form of all absorbing totalitarian State, and therefore they did not wish to the individual destiny disappear in that of the community. They believed that the way to regain harmony between the individual and the community was this union of the syndical idea with the national, which defends itself, against the lying tongues of those who misrepresent, and against the deaf ears of those who will not hear, in the Falangist system of ideas. So, they joined the ranks of the Falange, and they went out into the streets of Seville two nights ago to put up posters advertising a legally permitted newspaper. And while they were posting the bills on a wall they were shot down in cold blood; one fell dead on the pavement, and the other died in hospital a few hours later."
Included within the quotes are critiques of capitalism, marxism, socialism, communism, and the call to unity amongst Spanish patriots.
"A dream of unity and a common task, as against the narrow particularism and retrogression of the suicidal disintegrations."
"There are only two serious ways of life: the religious way and the military..."
"The night before last, two young Falangists were murdered in Seville... One was a humble painter; the other, a poor student who had a job with the Railway Company. Had they joined the Falange to defend capitalism? What had they to do with capitalism if anything, they were rather sufferers from its defects. They joined the Falange because they realized the whole world is going through a spiritual crisis, that the harmony between the destiny of men and the destiny of communities has broken down. They were not anarchists: they were not in favor of sacrificing the destiny of the community to that of the individual; they were not advocates of any form of all absorbing totalitarian State, and therefore they did not wish to the individual destiny disappear in that of the community. They believed that the way to regain harmony between the individual and the community was this union of the syndical idea with the national, which defends itself, against the lying tongues of those who misrepresent, and against the deaf ears of those who will not hear, in the Falangist system of ideas. So, they joined the ranks of the Falange, and they went out into the streets of Seville two nights ago to put up posters advertising a legally permitted newspaper. And while they were posting the bills on a wall they were shot down in cold blood; one fell dead on the pavement, and the other died in hospital a few hours later."
September 1, 2021
"Nossa juventude, como que por um milagre, descobriu uma veia de heroísmo e valor que jazia como se estivesse oculta, enterrada profundamente; e sai com um temperamento que supera o melhor temperamento de antigamente. Aí está a lista, na qual figura Matías Montero, o fundador do Sindicato Católico dos Estudantes, que mesmo sabendo que estava ameaçado de morte não mudou o caminho de volta para casa. Jesús Hernández, um menino de quinze anos ... lívido, em seu delírio moribundo, ainda cantava entre os dentes cerrados a velha canção do J.O.N.S .: “Procuro uma morte espanhola ...”
Manuel Carrión, gerente de um hotel em San Sebastian. Você pensa nele como calmo, suave, pacífico, não é? ... um modelo de complacência e tato. Mas um dia ele ouviu o chamado do heróico, e ele compôs algumas folhas em basco e castelhano e saiu para distribuí-las nas ruas. Ele foi ameaçado de morte, e um dia atiraram nele, pelas costas. Ele morreu sem conceder a menor importância à vida. Tudo o que lhe interessou foi a vitória do ideal pelo qual derramou o seu sangue ... Hoje temos treze camaradas presos em Sevilha, incluindo aquele que, quando Manuel Garcia morreu, alegremente e com o rosto voltado para o inimigo, o resgatou em seus braços para que não fosse mutilado pela multidão e, tropeçando, caindo e se levantando novamente, dirigiu-se para um lugar seguro e então, beijando-o na testa, disse-lhe: “Arriba España!” Não acha que encontramos a fertilidade da Falange Española em atos como os que citei?"
Discurso, Málaga, 21-7-35.
Manuel Carrión, gerente de um hotel em San Sebastian. Você pensa nele como calmo, suave, pacífico, não é? ... um modelo de complacência e tato. Mas um dia ele ouviu o chamado do heróico, e ele compôs algumas folhas em basco e castelhano e saiu para distribuí-las nas ruas. Ele foi ameaçado de morte, e um dia atiraram nele, pelas costas. Ele morreu sem conceder a menor importância à vida. Tudo o que lhe interessou foi a vitória do ideal pelo qual derramou o seu sangue ... Hoje temos treze camaradas presos em Sevilha, incluindo aquele que, quando Manuel Garcia morreu, alegremente e com o rosto voltado para o inimigo, o resgatou em seus braços para que não fosse mutilado pela multidão e, tropeçando, caindo e se levantando novamente, dirigiu-se para um lugar seguro e então, beijando-o na testa, disse-lhe: “Arriba España!” Não acha que encontramos a fertilidade da Falange Española em atos como os que citei?"
Discurso, Málaga, 21-7-35.
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June 10, 2023Se puede ver el pensamiento de José Antonio Primo de Rivera sobre diversos temas y con ello entender una de las posiciones ideológicas durante la segunda república española y el inicio de la guerra civil.
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