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Fascism: History and Theory
Across Europe and the world, far right parties have been enjoying greater electoral success than at any time since 1945. Right-wing street movements draw huge supporters and terrorist attacks on Jews and Muslims proliferate. It sometimes seems we are returning to the age of fascism.
To explain this disturbing trend, David Renton surveys the history of fascism in Europe from its pre-war origins to the present day, examining Marxist responses to fascism in the age of Hitler and Mussolini, the writings of Trotsky and Gramsci and contemporary theorists. Renton theorises that fascism was driven by the chaotic and unstable balance between reactionary ambitions and the mass character of its support. This approach will arm a new generation of anti-fascists to resist those who seek to re-enact fascism.
Rewritten and revised for the twentieth anniversary of its first publication, Renton's classic book synthesises the Marxist theory of fascism and updates it for our own times.
To explain this disturbing trend, David Renton surveys the history of fascism in Europe from its pre-war origins to the present day, examining Marxist responses to fascism in the age of Hitler and Mussolini, the writings of Trotsky and Gramsci and contemporary theorists. Renton theorises that fascism was driven by the chaotic and unstable balance between reactionary ambitions and the mass character of its support. This approach will arm a new generation of anti-fascists to resist those who seek to re-enact fascism.
Rewritten and revised for the twentieth anniversary of its first publication, Renton's classic book synthesises the Marxist theory of fascism and updates it for our own times.
240 pages, Kindle Edition
First published September 20, 2020
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335 people want to read
About the author
David Renton
53 books18 followersDavid "Dave" Renton is a British academic historian and barrister.
He was born in London in 1972. His great aunt was the marxist historian, Dona Torr. His grandfather was the shoe designer Kurt Geiger. One uncle was an activist in Equity, the actors' trade union, while another was the Conservative MP Tim Renton, Baron Renton of Mount Harry. He was educated at all-boys private boarding school Eton College where he became a member of the Labour Party. He then studied history at St John's College, University of Oxford.
Renton received his PhD from the University of Sheffield for a thesis on fascism and anti-fascism in Britain after the Second World War ( The attempted revival of British Fascism: Fascism and Anti-Fascism, 1945-51 ) that was turned into the book Fascism, Anti-Fascism and the 1940s . He also became an academic historian and sociologist, teaching at universities including Nottingham Trent, Edge Hill and Rhodes University and Johannesburg University in South Africa.
Since 2009 Renton has practised as a barrister at Garden Court Chambers in London and has represented clients in a number of high-profile cases, especially concerning trade union rights and the protection of free speech.
He was for twenty-two years (1991-2013) a member of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and he has published over twenty books on fascism, anti-fascism, and the politics of the left.
He was born in London in 1972. His great aunt was the marxist historian, Dona Torr. His grandfather was the shoe designer Kurt Geiger. One uncle was an activist in Equity, the actors' trade union, while another was the Conservative MP Tim Renton, Baron Renton of Mount Harry. He was educated at all-boys private boarding school Eton College where he became a member of the Labour Party. He then studied history at St John's College, University of Oxford.
Renton received his PhD from the University of Sheffield for a thesis on fascism and anti-fascism in Britain after the Second World War ( The attempted revival of British Fascism: Fascism and Anti-Fascism, 1945-51 ) that was turned into the book Fascism, Anti-Fascism and the 1940s . He also became an academic historian and sociologist, teaching at universities including Nottingham Trent, Edge Hill and Rhodes University and Johannesburg University in South Africa.
Since 2009 Renton has practised as a barrister at Garden Court Chambers in London and has represented clients in a number of high-profile cases, especially concerning trade union rights and the protection of free speech.
He was for twenty-two years (1991-2013) a member of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and he has published over twenty books on fascism, anti-fascism, and the politics of the left.
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Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews
November 22, 2020
Me personally, I thoroughly enjoyed with this book. It presented fascism as a theory put into practice by a disillusioned, contradictory Mass.
"If you want to know how to identify a fascist, in other words, the place to look is in what Payne termed fascism’s style: the emphasis on aesthetic structure, the attempt at mass mobilisation, its use of violence, its stress on the masculine principle, its exaltation of youth, the tendency towards authoritarian command and absolute leadership."
Trotsky, ‘when a state turns fascist ... it means primarily and above all that ... a system of administration is created which penetrates deeply into the masses and which serves to frustrate the independent crystallisation of the proletariat’.
"So, while fascism is like other reactionary political movements, one way it repeatedly distinguished itself from other right-wing ideologies has been the enthusiasm with which it has rejected liberalism and social democracy. Its rejection is different from that of conservatism, for example, in which there is often a formal enthusiasm for the goal of increased fairness."
"If you want to know how to identify a fascist, in other words, the place to look is in what Payne termed fascism’s style: the emphasis on aesthetic structure, the attempt at mass mobilisation, its use of violence, its stress on the masculine principle, its exaltation of youth, the tendency towards authoritarian command and absolute leadership."
Trotsky, ‘when a state turns fascist ... it means primarily and above all that ... a system of administration is created which penetrates deeply into the masses and which serves to frustrate the independent crystallisation of the proletariat’.
"So, while fascism is like other reactionary political movements, one way it repeatedly distinguished itself from other right-wing ideologies has been the enthusiasm with which it has rejected liberalism and social democracy. Its rejection is different from that of conservatism, for example, in which there is often a formal enthusiasm for the goal of increased fairness."
July 24, 2023
La obra supone un buen resumen de las tres teorías marxistas sobre el fascismo que emergieron en el período de entreguerras. Renton argumenta de forma convincente la superioridad de la teoría dialéctica por encima de las teorías de derecha (que desvincula al fascismo del capitalismo) y de izquierda (que no advierte la especificidad del fascismo dentro del capitalismo), siendo capaz de integrar sus análisis y explicar que el fascismo es al mismo tiempo un movimiento reaccionario (como explica la teoría de izquierdas) y un movimiento de masas (como explica la teoría de derechas).
A su vez, también defiende la superioridad de las teorías marxistas por encima de otras teorías contemporáneas a ellas o del Nuevo Consenso (Griffin, Payne, etc.), casi exclusivamente centrado en la ideología del fascismo.
Un punto en el que la explicación se hace insuficiente es en las estrategias antifascistas. Aunque señala la virtud del Frente Único (como expresión de la teoría dialéctica) y critica las estrategias del Frente Popular y del socialfascismo, no se hace una exposición sistemática de las mismas.
La obra muestra un conocimiento profundo del fenómeno fascista (huyendo de simplificaciones y generalizaciones) y de los distintos marxistas que trataron de analizarlo y enfrentarlo. Algo que hubiese mejorado mucho el análisis es explicitar que teoría de las clases, del Estado y de la evolución económica sostiene el autor, pues le hubiese dado más herramientas para defender las ventajas de la teoría dialéctica y el Frente Único sobre el resto de lecturas y estrategias.
A su vez, también defiende la superioridad de las teorías marxistas por encima de otras teorías contemporáneas a ellas o del Nuevo Consenso (Griffin, Payne, etc.), casi exclusivamente centrado en la ideología del fascismo.
Un punto en el que la explicación se hace insuficiente es en las estrategias antifascistas. Aunque señala la virtud del Frente Único (como expresión de la teoría dialéctica) y critica las estrategias del Frente Popular y del socialfascismo, no se hace una exposición sistemática de las mismas.
La obra muestra un conocimiento profundo del fenómeno fascista (huyendo de simplificaciones y generalizaciones) y de los distintos marxistas que trataron de analizarlo y enfrentarlo. Algo que hubiese mejorado mucho el análisis es explicitar que teoría de las clases, del Estado y de la evolución económica sostiene el autor, pues le hubiese dado más herramientas para defender las ventajas de la teoría dialéctica y el Frente Único sobre el resto de lecturas y estrategias.
April 14, 2021
In this very interesting book author tries to give definition of what fascism is. He tries to define it from the perspective of the mass movement that caused fascism to rise its ugly head and ha dto confront it first - socialist revolution in Russia in 1917.
Author starts from the "left definition" of fascism as just another tool of bourgeoisie against the socialist revolution, over the "right definition" of fascism as general threat to society to finally end up with a dialectical analysis of a fascism as a mass reactionary movement. While first two definitions try to simplify the fascism they cannot explain its nature and why people decide to join it. Because people did join it and they weren't all necessary evil people but people that found themselves in deep troubles (economically) after the WW1. While suitable for political purposes (especially Russian Soviets attempt of obtaining control over the International) these simplified approaches just could not provide good enough explanations. It fails because there were movements that were military juntas and dictatorships but they never became fascism dictatorships and devolved very soon to normal society.
Explanation of fascism as mass reactionary movement manages to explain paradoxical nature of fascism as a movement that on one hand mobilizes the masses against the big capital but on other hand works hand in hand with big capital against any opposition to it. This schizophrenic nature of fascism enables it to basically keep under control all parts of the society (divide and conquer) and rule them all through further corruption of existing state mechanisms [until total control is achieved]. And while fall of society continues (since fascism being highly unstable structure cannot provide stability because it would mean the end of it) fascism slowly turns more and more to violence and oppression, first internally and then externally. This explanation was rejected at first because of inability to acknowledge that ordinary people could join reactionary movement. But what else is to expect in case when revolutionary movement declares whole classes of people as enemies of the revolution. What is to expect when middle class, that worked hard but never achieved fortune that would make them independent, now sees lower classes (factory workers) living better than them. When one class of society gets restricted and it cannot grow and move up, reactionary movement will find fertile ground. And with fascism violence follows very close. And at first fascism looks very much like revolutionary movement which is first trap it lays down for masses to step on.
And this is something that we need to be aware in our times. Radicalism of every kind will only create oppositional radicalism. Declaring whole parts of the nation as enemies of the state, declaring that they constantly crawl through the mud and apologize constantly will just create atmosphere were more and more radical movements will pop up and there is nothing more radical than fascism.
Highly recommended book.
Author starts from the "left definition" of fascism as just another tool of bourgeoisie against the socialist revolution, over the "right definition" of fascism as general threat to society to finally end up with a dialectical analysis of a fascism as a mass reactionary movement. While first two definitions try to simplify the fascism they cannot explain its nature and why people decide to join it. Because people did join it and they weren't all necessary evil people but people that found themselves in deep troubles (economically) after the WW1. While suitable for political purposes (especially Russian Soviets attempt of obtaining control over the International) these simplified approaches just could not provide good enough explanations. It fails because there were movements that were military juntas and dictatorships but they never became fascism dictatorships and devolved very soon to normal society.
Explanation of fascism as mass reactionary movement manages to explain paradoxical nature of fascism as a movement that on one hand mobilizes the masses against the big capital but on other hand works hand in hand with big capital against any opposition to it. This schizophrenic nature of fascism enables it to basically keep under control all parts of the society (divide and conquer) and rule them all through further corruption of existing state mechanisms [until total control is achieved]. And while fall of society continues (since fascism being highly unstable structure cannot provide stability because it would mean the end of it) fascism slowly turns more and more to violence and oppression, first internally and then externally. This explanation was rejected at first because of inability to acknowledge that ordinary people could join reactionary movement. But what else is to expect in case when revolutionary movement declares whole classes of people as enemies of the revolution. What is to expect when middle class, that worked hard but never achieved fortune that would make them independent, now sees lower classes (factory workers) living better than them. When one class of society gets restricted and it cannot grow and move up, reactionary movement will find fertile ground. And with fascism violence follows very close. And at first fascism looks very much like revolutionary movement which is first trap it lays down for masses to step on.
And this is something that we need to be aware in our times. Radicalism of every kind will only create oppositional radicalism. Declaring whole parts of the nation as enemies of the state, declaring that they constantly crawl through the mud and apologize constantly will just create atmosphere were more and more radical movements will pop up and there is nothing more radical than fascism.
Highly recommended book.
October 8, 2020
The question 'what is fascism?' is one which many people are asking. In this book Renton discusses how political theorists and activists in the Marxist tradition have understood fascism and right-wing or reactionary movements throughout history, particularly - for obvious reasons - in the period between the first and second world wars. Weighing up these critiques, which are sometimes at odds with each other, he develops an analysis which can help us answer this question and perhaps a more specific one - how can we identify tendencies towards fascism?
Renton argues persuasively that a Marxist framework can explain fascism better than the accounts of writers that have used liberal or conservative frameworks for understanding society, from the post-war period up to the present day. In doing so he makes reference to the analyses of academics such as Ian Kershaw, Zeev Sternhell, Adrian Lyttelton and Stanley Payne, and to the ‘functionalist’ and ‘intentionalist’ interpretations of the trajectory of Italian and German fascism. This makes the book of interest to the general student.
Renton identifies 'left' and 'right' analyses of fascism within interwar Marxism, the former seeing fascism as a tool of big business to reorganise society in its interests and the latter as an alien, external threat to society itself. These analyses had their political consequences in the actions of left-wing parties throughout Europe. He then locates a third, dialectical analysis, building on the writings of Clara Zetkin, Leon Trotsky and others, which understands fascism as ‘a specific form of reactionary mass movement’. In this analysis there is a tension between the fascist goal of rolling back all egalitarian impulses in society and the aspirations of the mass of people who are set in motion to achieve that goal.
A strength of this book lies in its exploration of this tension or contradiction, and how the instability it generates can see reactionary movements' most violent and destructive tendencies come to dominate and develop their own dynamic. This focus on processes and the relations between them is an excellent application of the Marxist method and with it David Renton has produced a highly useful and timely account of fascism.
Renton argues persuasively that a Marxist framework can explain fascism better than the accounts of writers that have used liberal or conservative frameworks for understanding society, from the post-war period up to the present day. In doing so he makes reference to the analyses of academics such as Ian Kershaw, Zeev Sternhell, Adrian Lyttelton and Stanley Payne, and to the ‘functionalist’ and ‘intentionalist’ interpretations of the trajectory of Italian and German fascism. This makes the book of interest to the general student.
Renton identifies 'left' and 'right' analyses of fascism within interwar Marxism, the former seeing fascism as a tool of big business to reorganise society in its interests and the latter as an alien, external threat to society itself. These analyses had their political consequences in the actions of left-wing parties throughout Europe. He then locates a third, dialectical analysis, building on the writings of Clara Zetkin, Leon Trotsky and others, which understands fascism as ‘a specific form of reactionary mass movement’. In this analysis there is a tension between the fascist goal of rolling back all egalitarian impulses in society and the aspirations of the mass of people who are set in motion to achieve that goal.
A strength of this book lies in its exploration of this tension or contradiction, and how the instability it generates can see reactionary movements' most violent and destructive tendencies come to dominate and develop their own dynamic. This focus on processes and the relations between them is an excellent application of the Marxist method and with it David Renton has produced a highly useful and timely account of fascism.
August 27, 2023
A very helpful primer on the various theories of fascism that were developed in the inter-war years, as well as those developed later and in retrospect. The conclusions drawn by the author on the merits and demerits of the various theories of fascism both by Marxists (Thalheimer, Gramsci, Trotsky, Zetkin) and non-Marxists (Payne, and the new consensus scholars, among others) have important implications for anti-fascist struggles today.
Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews