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Martin Van Buren and the Making of the Democratic Party
271 pages, Hardcover
First published March 1, 1959
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June 15, 2021
Even though they were written decades apart, this book proved to be a good companion piece to Jerome Mushkat and Joseph Rayback’s Martin Van Buren: Law, Politics, and the Shaping of Republican Ideology. Both books focus on Van Buren’s rise to political prominence, and both end with Andrew Jackson’s election as president in 1828. But while Mushkat's focus is on Van Buren’s legal career and his eventual role as leader of the New York state political machine, Remini focuses on Van Buren’s role in national politics. So they both cover the same time period, with different emphases.
By necessity, Remini’s book still covers a lot of who-did-what-to-whom in early nineteenth-century New York state politics, which tends to bog down most Van Buren biographies unless you’re intently interested in that particular subject. But Remini manages not to get too deep into the weeds, and offers plenty of insightful observations on Van Buren’s political development rather than mere dry recitations of various political maneuverings.
This book was written early in Remini’s career and long before he turned his attention to writing about Andrew Jackson. So it’s interesting to see his incipient thoughts about Jackson and many others - James Monroe, for example, is described as “a pusillanimous idiot,” Henry Clay is “vulgar,” drinks bourbon in “heaping quantities,” and swears “like a wardheeler,” and John Quincy Adams earns sympathy as a “tragic” figure who “could have been a great President, but… was ruined by politics.”
There’s also an excellent description of Van Buren’s 1824 visit with Thomas Jefferson, and great insight about how Van Buren’s Jeffersonian political views and partisan strategies evolved and matured. To Jefferson, the political party “was an instrument for the attainment of better government,” while to Van Buren, the party was often “an end in itself.” Not until Van Buren learned that the party was “a device” was he able to “discard the mantle of a partisan politician and assume the garb of a respected statesman.”
To that end, Remini doesn’t hesitate to criticize Van Buren where appropriate. His stubborn decision to stick with William Crawford as his candidate of choice in the 1824 presidential election, even after Crawford became gravely ill, is puzzling and his motives are not very well analyzed in other Van Buren books I’ve read. Remini says Van Buren’s actions in 1824 are to his “lasting discredit” - “he labored intently to elect a man so ill as to be physically unfit to fill the office of President.” Remini concludes it was because Van Buren was too focused on seeking power and influence for himself in order to be able to reshape the party as he desired, rather than focusing on doing what was best for the country.
But the lesson that Van Buren took from his ill-fated effort to elect Crawford in 1824, which he applied toward electing Jackson in 1828, was that gaining political control of New York allowed him to direct the state’s electoral vote to his own preferred presidential candidate. And this is where Van Buren’s mastery of state politics becomes not a dull sideshow to his national ambitions, but a key component of how he became a national figure in the first place.
It’s difficult to write a riveting biography of Van Buren, and this one had its dry moments as much as any other. But Remini does provide some important insights about Van Buren’s political development, so even all these years later, it’s still a worthy read.
By necessity, Remini’s book still covers a lot of who-did-what-to-whom in early nineteenth-century New York state politics, which tends to bog down most Van Buren biographies unless you’re intently interested in that particular subject. But Remini manages not to get too deep into the weeds, and offers plenty of insightful observations on Van Buren’s political development rather than mere dry recitations of various political maneuverings.
This book was written early in Remini’s career and long before he turned his attention to writing about Andrew Jackson. So it’s interesting to see his incipient thoughts about Jackson and many others - James Monroe, for example, is described as “a pusillanimous idiot,” Henry Clay is “vulgar,” drinks bourbon in “heaping quantities,” and swears “like a wardheeler,” and John Quincy Adams earns sympathy as a “tragic” figure who “could have been a great President, but… was ruined by politics.”
There’s also an excellent description of Van Buren’s 1824 visit with Thomas Jefferson, and great insight about how Van Buren’s Jeffersonian political views and partisan strategies evolved and matured. To Jefferson, the political party “was an instrument for the attainment of better government,” while to Van Buren, the party was often “an end in itself.” Not until Van Buren learned that the party was “a device” was he able to “discard the mantle of a partisan politician and assume the garb of a respected statesman.”
To that end, Remini doesn’t hesitate to criticize Van Buren where appropriate. His stubborn decision to stick with William Crawford as his candidate of choice in the 1824 presidential election, even after Crawford became gravely ill, is puzzling and his motives are not very well analyzed in other Van Buren books I’ve read. Remini says Van Buren’s actions in 1824 are to his “lasting discredit” - “he labored intently to elect a man so ill as to be physically unfit to fill the office of President.” Remini concludes it was because Van Buren was too focused on seeking power and influence for himself in order to be able to reshape the party as he desired, rather than focusing on doing what was best for the country.
But the lesson that Van Buren took from his ill-fated effort to elect Crawford in 1824, which he applied toward electing Jackson in 1828, was that gaining political control of New York allowed him to direct the state’s electoral vote to his own preferred presidential candidate. And this is where Van Buren’s mastery of state politics becomes not a dull sideshow to his national ambitions, but a key component of how he became a national figure in the first place.
It’s difficult to write a riveting biography of Van Buren, and this one had its dry moments as much as any other. But Remini does provide some important insights about Van Buren’s political development, so even all these years later, it’s still a worthy read.
March 2, 2020
Counting this book, I've read 6 of Remini's works. After I finished this one, I finally gave in and admitted it:
Remini's one of my favorite authors.
One of the primary criticisms of Remini as a historian is that he too easily takes the viewpoints and sides of his protagonists. He definitely does that with Martin Van Buren, because it's easy to see his pro-Van Buren tone and, simultaneously, Van Buren's absolute sliminess. It was a fascinating look at a totally underrated American figure.
This was also the earliest of Remini's works that I've read. Published in 1959, it's almost twenty years older than the next-oldest Remini work I've read. The way the book reads has enormous similarities to the later works, and I can see a lot of how Remini formed his own thoughts on the historical context. I enjoyed that, too.
Remini's one of my favorite authors.
One of the primary criticisms of Remini as a historian is that he too easily takes the viewpoints and sides of his protagonists. He definitely does that with Martin Van Buren, because it's easy to see his pro-Van Buren tone and, simultaneously, Van Buren's absolute sliminess. It was a fascinating look at a totally underrated American figure.
This was also the earliest of Remini's works that I've read. Published in 1959, it's almost twenty years older than the next-oldest Remini work I've read. The way the book reads has enormous similarities to the later works, and I can see a lot of how Remini formed his own thoughts on the historical context. I enjoyed that, too.
March 10, 2012
This book seeks to bolster Martin Van Buren's reputation by describing his contribution to the building of the party of Jacksonian democracy. But it didn't do a lot for me, since much of that effort involved obscure fights with political rivals over patronage that just didn't hold my interest. That said, though Van Buren became a president, I had not realized what a force he was in his time.
Here was one passage I highlighted, about Van Buren's maiden speech in the Senate, which I liked because it shows how even presidents were once folks like you and I:
"When the measure was brought to the floor for debate he obtained recognition from the chair and attacked the proposed legislation on the ground of fraud. While speaking, he was suddenly overcome by embarrassment and suffered a 'breakdown.' His debut was too much for him, and finding that he could proceed no further, he quickly retreated to his seat and tried to hold back the sense of shame and frustration that swept over him. He was well-prepared and should have acquitted himself with honor, but he was too intense and was much too impressed by the distinguished senators who sat clustered around him."
Here was one passage I highlighted, about Van Buren's maiden speech in the Senate, which I liked because it shows how even presidents were once folks like you and I:
"When the measure was brought to the floor for debate he obtained recognition from the chair and attacked the proposed legislation on the ground of fraud. While speaking, he was suddenly overcome by embarrassment and suffered a 'breakdown.' His debut was too much for him, and finding that he could proceed no further, he quickly retreated to his seat and tried to hold back the sense of shame and frustration that swept over him. He was well-prepared and should have acquitted himself with honor, but he was too intense and was much too impressed by the distinguished senators who sat clustered around him."
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews