I had so many notes for this book, which is why the review took so long in coming. It’s an excellent book and truly a must-read.
The book covers the history of identity politics (which has become so pernicious lately), why it came about, and why it’s harmful. Identity politics seeks to divide people in groups based on superficial physical characteristics. It tells them they are victims who have no control over their lives. Then its purveyors get rich off of it all, and everybody is worse off because they stop trying to achieve and lose the self-satisfaction of personal reliance and personal success.
Identity politics activists (“community organizers”) turned American values into “white” values to discourage their oppressed groups from valuing hard work, family life, and a sense of community. If any minority succeeds on their own, they’re accused of being traitors or of having a “false consciousness.” How is that not more sinister and oppressive than letting people choose their own way in life?
The roots are in Marxism, which at its core is a strategy of divide and conquer: Divide people, make them resent each other, and then I can rule them. Identity politics forces stereotypes on people (something my generation always found highly offensive). It rejects everything about the Enlightenment, and I don’t get why it isn’t so blindingly obviously false.
It’s well-written in an easy, engaging style. It was hard to put down—not an easy feat for this genre. (There are some typos.)
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Although the white male, especially the white male Christian, is constantly said to be privileged, he is in fact habitually ridiculed in entertainment, the news, and academia, and is at a disadvantage when it comes to the division of spoils. Any narrative that purportedly advances white males’ well-being—what professors of grievance studies call “the hegemonic narrative”—must be crushed and replaced with the counternarrative. The speed with which it has become acceptable to demand that all members of a supposed group—never mind that it’s ridiculous to lump all white men into a single, homogeneous group—permanently don sackcloth and ashes is bewildering. Identity as a member of any other group, however, confers a claim to victimhood, which has been elevated above individual accomplishment as the wellspring of self-worth and recognition. ... It never dawns on the purveyors of these notions that their efforts could have the opposite effect of what they say they intend. By ascribing all these supposed privileges to the white, Christian, heterosexual male, the purveyors of identity politics are endowing him with almost superhuman qualities. To insist that all others are disfavored victims is to mentally subjugate them.
Steven Pinker:
Identity politics is the syndrome in which people’s beliefs and interests are assumed to be determined by their membership in groups, particularly their sex, race, sexual orientation, and disability status. Its signature is the tic of preceding a statement with “As a,” as if that bore on the cogency of what was to follow. Identity politics originated with the fact that members of certain groups really were disadvantaged by their group membership , which forged them into a coalition with common interests: Jews really have a reason to form the Anti-Defamation League. But when it spreads beyond the target of combating discrimination and oppression, it is an enemy of reason and Enlightenment values, including, ironically, the pursuit of justice for oppressed groups. For one thing, reason depends on there being an objective reality and universal standards of logic.
Our leaders undertake this societal structuring through a carrot-and-stick approach. First we force Americans to divide themselves into ethnic groups through the decennial census and other such means; then we imbue them with grievances about what white, heterosexual, Christian men have done to their particular group; and then we tempt them into identifying with such groups in perpetuity through a system of entitlements like affirmative action, set-asides in contracts, racial gerrymandering, and so on. This prevents the nation from following the more normal approach, the one that has always obtained, which has been the process of ethnic attrition. It also prevents the gathering of tribes into a nation, the progression that the Israeli philosopher Yoram Hazony describes as the precondition for nation building.
Both [Edward R.] Roybal and [Henry] Wallace attracted strong support from radical elements, including communists and community organizers who saw the Mexican American as a potential source of political power, if only he could be organized around feelings of racial grievances.
Prejudice has been a loaded topic of conversation in any Mexican-American community. Indeed, merely calling Mexican-Americans a “minority” and implying that the population is the victim of prejudice and discrimination has caused irritation among many who prefer to believe themselves indistinguishable white Americans. ... There are light-skinned Mexican-Americans who have never experienced the faintest discrimination in public facilities, and many with ambiguous surnames have also escaped the experiences of the more conspicuous members of the group. Finally, there is the inescapable face that … even comparatively dark-skinned Mexicans … could get service even in the most discriminatory parts of Texas a generation or two ago. ([Leo] Grebler, [Joan] Moore, and [Ralph] Guzman)
It is incumbent on us at this point to pause to take in what exactly the Ford Foundation-funded UCLA researchers are lamenting. Their own survey had discovered that Mexican Americans’ lived experiences showed them that they weren’t passive victims of invidious, structural discrimination, much less racial animus. They felt they had agency, and they owned their failures, which—their experience told them—were remediable through individual actions (such as dressing and speaking well), not group mobilization. Their traits were “achieved,” or acquired through their individual actions, not “ascribed,” or permanent and set at birth.
Gonzalez observed that, “not long after the Southwest Council of La Raza opened for business, it gave $110,000 to the Mexican-American Unity Council of San Antonio; this group was apparently invented for the purpose of receiving the grant,” which “has not given any assistance that I know of to bring anybody together” and existed only to “promote the rather odd and I might say generally unaccepted and unpopular views of its directors.” On another occasion, speaking generally on ethnic solidarity, Gonzalez rejected it as a “new racism [that] demands an allegiance to race above all else.” In an early instance of “cancel culture,” Gonzalez was pilloried for saying these things. The Texas organizer Jose Angel Gutierrez accused Gonzalez of the worst of all crimes, holding “gringo tendencies,” what later critical theorists would call “false consciousness.” Gutierrez argued that Chicanos should become “a culturally separate people from the gringo.”
According to a 2012 Pew Research study, “the Asian-American label itself doesn’t hold much sway with Asian Americans”: 62 percent describe themselves by their country of origin, just 19 percent describe themselves as Asian American, and 14 percent just call themselves American. Whey they marry, Asian Americans tend to do so within their national-origin group, and when they marry out, they tend to marry whites, not other Asians. As Wesley Yang observes, “All races are, to varying degrees, artificial constructs. The ‘Asian-American’ identity is an artificial construct that scarcely anyone claims. ... Such a confected identity, imposed from above by political entrepreneurs and the government, does not mean anything coherent to the vast majority of those to whom it ostensibly applies.”
The very same elite schools that would indoctrinate these young people into the view that America is a racist society are now acting in a racist manner to these same Asian Americans. Research that has come to light since a group of Asian American students, Students for Fair Admissions (SFFA), sued Harvard University in 2017, demonstrates that these applicants are discriminated against when they apply to Harvard and other elite universities, entry to which is an important rung on the ladder of success in this country. The data, moreover, is strong that this discrimination against Asian American applicants is due to the very diversity goals and group rights that moved such organizations as the AIA to petition for inclusion into the Asian collective in the first place. Elite colleges are limiting the number of Asian American applicants granted admission—who, if objective criteria such as academic achievements, test scores, and extracurricular activities were to be considered alone, would be deserving of acceptance letters—because they are Asian. Admissions boards have noticed the success of these students, but they’re looking for other minority students in the name of diversity.
(Despite) brutal oppression, racial hatred, and open discrimination over the years … today, Asian Americans are among the most prosperous, well-educated, and successful ethnic groups in America. What gives? It couldn’t possibly be that they maintained solid two-parent family structures, had social networks that looked after one another, placed enormous emphasis on education and hard work, positive ones, could it? It couldn’t be that all whites are not racists or that the American dream still lives?” (Andrew Sullivan)
Asian Americans have succeeded in precisely the way that Gramsci, Marcuse, and [Yuiji] Ichioka despised, through individual action, striving, and aspirational effort. They have succeeded not by copying the Red Guard radicals of the 1960s. Their success gives the lie to all the leftist theories about how supposedly “subordinate” people succeed in America. More than any other group, they shred the notion that it was the immigrants who came in after 1965 who demanded the categorizing of races and ethnicity. With them, it was exactly the opposite.
There is one principle which pervades all the institutions of this country, and which must always operate as an obstacle to the granting of favors to new comers. This is a land, not of privileges, but of equal rights. ... Emigrants from Germany, therefore, or from elsewhere, coming here, are not to expect favors from the governments. They are to expect, if they choose to become citizens, equal rights with those of the natives of the country. (John Quincy Adams)
The first wave [of feminism], at the turn of the century, had sought to obtain rights that women had been denied, such as voting, divorce, and owning property. The second wave, in the 1950s and especially the 1960s, was a reaction to the first. To the members of the second wave, women hadn’t made the right choices after being given the right to divorce and vote—the overwhelming majority still married and stayed home to raise children! The reason women were making these bad choices, they held, was that they were psychologically trapped in the patriarchal culture—whether they realized it or not—and had to be “liberated”—whether they wanted it or not.
Women were at least 50 percent of the labor force in any area, and many women either chose to stay home or would decline to do certain jobs—say, roof repair; to officials in Nixon’s Labor Department, the inclusion of women in an order that intrusively required companies to demonstrate their efforts to hire members of protected minority groups made no sense. In 1970, Secretary of Labor James Hodgson wrote, “The work force pattern of women and racial minorities differs in significant respects. Many women do not seek employment. Practically all adult males do.” This sensible acknowledgment of reality enraged NOW.
The impact of NOW on the American family was direct. While policy thinkers from Oren Cass to Elizabeth Warren have blamed the steady demise of family formation in America on the fact that a typical man with a high school degree can no longer keep a family of four above the poverty line, not enough attention has been paid to the ideological attack that has been perpetrated on the family since the 1960s. ... A glance at any graph on the decline of marriage will reveal that the delta sharpens in 1970. ... Let’s not pretend that [Kate] Millett and other ideologues with a political agenda did not have the huge impact on society that they openly sought. The leftist elites have always understood the economic impact of marriage, the stability it offers to the spouses and their children. While they may agree with Engels, [Simone de] Beauvoir, Millett, and others that this stability must be smashed, they still want their children to go [to] Cornelle, get married, succeed, and product grandchildren. But these elites have been adept at using the popular culture to spread a different message among the less-well-off.
When gender is thought of as just a “social construct,” the idea that women are equal to men suddenly becomes shaky. The hard-won victories of the second wave, such as Title IX protections of women’s equal access to sports at schools and universities, increasingly have been turned on their head, as men saying they are women are claiming those protections. Women are now forced to compete against biological males, obviously putting them at a disadvantage. “After all,” Yenor writes, “women’s sports are based on the seemingly benighted assumption that there are women.” The idea that women have an identity as a class took a knock as well: in the twisted logic of identity politics, the notion that sex and gender are constructs undermines women’s very claim to an identity. ... States and localities try to outdo each other in establishing set-aside programs in contracting and hiring for people who identify as one of the categories in LGBT. Never mind that, on average, gay men earn more than straight men, and lesbians earn more than straight women, according to one study. “Disparity studies” are used to reveal instances of oppression for members of a certain category. ... Government contracts and employment opportunities being finite, this clearly sets up a competition in which groups previously considered as needing set-asides—racial or ethnic minorities and women—will lose out.
The College Fix reported on one such case of a doctoral student in the department of feminist studies at the University of California at Santa Barbara. Laura Tanner, a self-styled radical feminist and expert on “intersectionality,” found herself in the crosshairs of transgender students and “allies.” What were her sins? Her Twitter header image says it all: “A woman is someone with a female body and any personality … not a ‘female personality’ and any body. Any other definition is sexism.” Social media exploded as student after student denounced Tanner for her “transphobia.”
The ultimate goal of identity politics is not to protect gay families or little girls who want to grow up to [be] powerful, but to turn society upside down. As postmodernism has percolated out of the universities and into everyday life, this has finally become clear, and it irritates those who actually did believe that the goal of transforming American society through collectivist effort was to protect victims of oppression.
As it should be clear by now, the identity battles that have torn up society—from the early ones that NOW waged to the recent ones over unisex bathrooms, women’s sports, and pronouns, have not been about protecting women, gays, or anyone else, but about tearing society apart in order to install another system. The creation of identity groups … was all about destabilizing, or “problematizing” in the language of its entrepreneurs, all social norms.
To these two schools [Frankfurt School, postmodernism] we owe the view, so ubiquitous in our society today, that certain groups—workers, minorities, women, and others—are “marginalized,” and that these groups participate in their own oppression when they perpetuate the hegemonic metanarrative of the privileged. This is why students in American universities, and increasingly in secondary and even primary education as well, are taught the assimilation of immigrants is a capitulation to the oppressors. Both the Frankfurt School thinkers and the postmodernists believed that members of subordinate groups lack unity and foolishly put their faith in success through individual effort; instead, they need to be organized into a collective.
An anonymous “Woman Resident in Russia” wrote in the Atlantic in 1927 that, in one of the Soviet government’s first decrees, it “abolished the term ‘illegitimate children.’ This was done simply by equalizing the legal status of all children, whether born in wedlock or out of it,” so that the Soviet Union could “[boast] that Russia is the only country where there are no illegitimate children”; divorce was made to be “a matter of a few minutes, to be obtained at the request of either partner in a marriage.” The result was “chaos,” added the anonymous writer. She recounts men with multiple wives, uncared-for children forced onto the streets, rampant promiscuity, and other ills, to the point that the Soviets were induced to unto their changes and return to the status quo ante. Even Soviet commissars had a modicum of wisdom lacking today among American academics, activists, and political operatives.
Gramsci was not the first communist to understand that Marx had erred in thinking that the working class would spontaneously rise up and overthrow capitalism. Lenin, too, had come to believe that a revolutionary vanguard made up of intellectuals would have to instruct the proletariat on their oppression and guide them into toppling the bourgeoisie. Gramsci’s notion of cultural hegemonic oppression was an innovation without which the advances of the Left in America would not have been possible. One of his main targets was Christianity. ... Christianity offers hope, and therefore prevents a feeling a of desolation; one who has religious faith need not transfer his faith to an ideological vanguard indispensable for bringing about revolution.
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