One of the liveliest and most influential historical debates about eighteenth-century Europe has concerned 'Enlightened Absolutism'. This is the idea that, particularly after 1750, the theory and practise of government were strongly influenced by the ideas of the Enlightenment and were therefore sharply distinguished from what had gone before. Rulers such as Joseph II and Catherine the Great, together with their ministers and bureaucrats, embarked on a wide-ranging series of reforms. Administrations and law codes were modernised, religious toleration pioneered and state control over the Church extended, the provision of primary and secondary education dramatically increased and efforts made to stimulate the economy and modernise agriculture.
These initiatives, their success and their inspiration are re-examined in this collection by a team of distinguished historians. Particular attention is given to countries where little that is reliable or up to date is otherwise available in English, such as the ministry of Pombal in Portugal, the reign of Charles III in Spain, and the reform period in Denmark. The three major rulers of Central and Eastern Europe, Frederick the Great, Catherine the Great and Joseph II have always been central to the Enlightened Absolutism debate, and each receives detailed consideration. The wide-ranging importance of Italian reformist ideas and of German cameralism, as well as the French Enlightenment, as sources of reform are made clear. The whole collection is an important and timely reminder that the eighteenth-century was not simply an extended prelude to the French Revolution and , outside France, the 'Ancien Regime' was not in terminal decline by the second half of the eighteenth century but was rather engaged in a remarkable and surprisingly successful attempt to improve the lives of all the people.
Enlightened Absolutism is one of those concepts, like the New Monarchy of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries in Europe, which is periodically revived, declared irrelevant only to be resurrected in a slightly different form. The concept holds out the promise of a explanatory framework that neatly ties up the world of the philosophes and the literary world of the Enlightenment with the business of practical politics in the second half of the eighteenth century, but as always the problem lies in the definition. The essential idea that this was an ages typified by rulers wielding near absolute and unstrained power but who did so in an Enlightened and progressive manner, desiring the enrichment and improvement of their states and citizens. Clearly this was an age of both absolutist governments and the Enlightenment in Europe. The question is how and to what extent did they interact.
This collection of essays bundles together a range of views looking at monarchs and chief ministers of European states as Enlightened Absolutists. Most of these essays stress the links between the influence of local Enlightenments, rather than the French scene, the influence of political economy and local traditions of governments. However the problem seems to me that demonstrating a link between the activities of monarchs, ministers and the then current ideas in political economy is to state the obvious - that people in government are influenced by ideas current in their societies (the opposite scenario really is a very strange one to imagine). In which case Enlightened Absolutism is less a meaningful term and simply a convenient label for a period in time.
Catherine II and Frederick II (and the sadly less well known Dr. Struensee in Denmark) emerge as closest to the idea of rulers engaged with the ideas of the French Enlightenment, but the remaining essays in the volume are more interesting from the point of view of development, with governments then facing much the same issues as developing countries today. The clearest case of this, the administration of Pombal in Portugal, is however the one furthest from the influence of the French Enlightenment and closer to older ideas of Mercantilism. The issue here is one of time scale. From the perspective of a longue durée with governments working within much the same restraints and circumstances over long periods of time older ideas and retained their validity and still spoke to the concerns and outlooks of a later generation. All of which makes this is an interesting set of essays to plunder.
H.M. Scott Introduction: the problem of Enlightened Absolutism
Timothy C.W. Blanning Frederick the Great & Enlightened Absolutism A trenchantly argued essay that ends by invoking Kant to prove that Frederick II was an Enlightened Absolutist, Kant as an employee of the Prussian state writing to a German audience was hardly an impartial witness. The argument for Enlightenment rests on religious toleration, a social contract attitude to his own rulership, and idea of equality before the law. However as Blanning points out religious toleration had deep roots in the Prussian tradition. Toleration however was not emancipation, Jews were still restricted under Fritz. Blanning's discussion of Frederick II's social conservatism was interesting - reversing his father's policy and favouring the nobility throughout Royal service. Socially the crown sat at the apex of traditional elites and worked with and through them. I'm not sure how comfortably the extreme militarisation of Prussian life fits with any conception of Enlightenment either. But a well stated essay all the same.
Isabel De Madariaga Catherine the Great Although due to the low base of Catherine's Russia the impact of her attitudes, government and reforms was more limited than in some of the other essays in this volume, she appears of all of the rulers the most open to Enlightenment thought, plagiarising Montesquieu, specifically having Enlightenment authors translated and published in Russian including Voltaire & Rousseau, the relatively relaxed censorship regime and the trend against the use of torture and execution. Here it seems there is a link between the world of the philosophes & government, although Catherine was also influenced by camerialism and English law (via Blackstone's commentary).
Camerialism German traditions of administration designed to promote the prosperity of the individual and indirectly therefore to strengthen the state Mercantilism the idea of wealth as a fixed pie, the only way to increase one country's wealth was to retain what you had and win more from neighbouring states generally through the promotion of trade and use of tariffs Physiocracy agriculture as the source of wealth, therefore enhancing agricultural production is the only way to increase national wealth and well being