Paolantonio's first book is departure from his usual sports writing, taking a deep dive into the life and times of the infamous 1972-80 Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo in this accessible biography. Paolantonio tried to illustrate "both sides" of why Rizzo was so polarizing, as a either loved or hated guy (depending largely on race and class in how he's remembered.) Rizzo, the patron saint of many South Philly Italians and other Catholic "white ethnics", became the biggest enemy of African-Americans as the direct target of his numerous raids and police brutality, and well-to-do Chestnut Hill liberals. Paolantonio traced his Italian immigrant ancestors to his cop father, and Rizzo's fighting as first-recourse which eventually led him into the Philadelphia Police Force, where he worked beats across the city for 24 years. He quickly gained a reputation for bloody billy clubs and getting himself into the action by leading raids on what he saw as the enemies of law-and-order.
As the city transformed from a Republican dominated corruption riddled town to a reform-minded Democratic Party dominated town, the winds of change seem to not effect the police department, which Rizzo gains more and more control over by blunt force of personality. "Rizzo's Raiders" bloodily suppress black student protests and target black radicals across the town (while largely ignoring mob activity since he saw gambling and loan sharking as victimless.) Rizzo eventually becomes Chief of police and gains a following for his blunt talk, eventually riding that popularity wave into the Mayor's office. Though he switched to being a Democrat from his Republican roots in order to win the Mayorship, he openly courts Nixon's support because they share similar dog-whistle politics of white resentment and gets aid to Philadelphia as part of the partnership. Rizzo defeats opponent after opponent until he is finally bested in his effort to overturn the two term limit for Philadelphia Mayors. Along the way, he refused to cut services while holding off on a drastic across the board tax increase until after he won re-election.
From there, Rizzo seems to grasp at maintaining power, micromanaging every part of city government. Paolantonio noted that Rizzo came to power in ways unlike most other Philly mayors, or even other big city mayors, not through the party machine but by simple force of personality (which conjures up easy comparisons with Mussolini and other fascist dictators.) He is not afraid to lie, conveniently forget, or turn the dog-whistle into a bullhorn ("Vote White") in order to maintain his control since he believed that he alone would fix Philadelphia's problems. No slight could go unanswered, and though he bristled at being called a racist, it seemed like the shoe fit in some of his policies, like opposing integrated housing. (Though interestingly, loyalty to the police force overruled race, since he would back up black cops against criticism.) In many ways, that conservative Democrat redated the "Reagan Democrat", and sets up some of the drift of many white ethnics to the Republican Party in the 1980s.
When he is out of power, it seemed like he mostly spends the last 11 years of his life trying to regain the Mayor's office and defending his legacy. What Rizzo failed to grasp, though, was many of his supporters left for the suburbs in the 70s-80s, meaning his Philadelphia had changed when he ran for mayor three more times (losing the Democratic Primary in 1983 to Goode, before returning to being a Republican in 1987, only to barely lose in the general to Goode again, and finally dying in the middle of the 1991 Mayoral election vs Rendell after Rizzo secured the Republican nomination, which Paolantonio thinks he could have won since he was gaining black clergy's support for his law and order message in the midst of crack cocaine epidemic and Rendell's betrayal of black candidates.) He deals with a cast of familiar characters throughout his long career: Arlen Spector (DA and Senator), Rendell (DA in the 80s), Wilson Goode (civil rights adversary and then Mayor), Michael Smerconish (longtime moderate radio host) as his lackey, as well as a who's who of longtime Philly players like the Spragues or Republican Party boss Billy Meehan (who is content to run the local party as his personal fiefdom, unconcerned with losing elections year in and year out.) Being a friend to Rizzo also made one a target to be turned on at any given moment if you crossed him.
Paolantonio tried to paint Rizzo as complicated, and doesn't fail to give light to Rizzo's many opponents as well as showcasing Rizzo supporters point of view. I'm not so certain its that complicated: he played up the white backlash politics and just kept seeing what he could get away with. He oversaw a bad slide in Philadelphia's population and jobs, which utterly destroyed some neighborhoods, which he failed to see was partly as a result of refusing to budge from his white resentment politics but also by allying himself with nationwide conservative forces. It's ironic he later says how much he dislikes the Reagans and Bushes because of how they attacked cities and slashed federal aid to cities, yet was fine hopping in bed with them when it suited him. In recent years, the Rizzo debate has been reignited, as older generation of whites continues to worship him (many of whom have long left the city), while the younger sees him as nothing more than a race baiter in the style of Trumpism. In the wake of the 2020 police brutality protests after the death of George Floyd, the city finally took down the statue of Rizzo outside the Municipal Building, a longtime target of graffiti, as well as a large mural in the Italian Market being replaced by the neighborhood. As far as I can tell, Paolantonio's book seems to be the most accessible book still, 30 years after it was originally published. Perhaps the time has come to revisit his life and times and reevaluate.