This book gave history to a form of politics I've already come to embrace: Black solidarity. Shelby attempts to give a philosophical foundation to this notion, so as to ask, were such a politic possible (which surely it must be), what are the features it should or best exhibit. Of course, we know the politics is possible. Shelby traces the development of the thought on this matter from theorists as far back as Martin Delany--considered the "father of black nationalism"--up through its Black Power post-Black Power articulations. However, one need not rely on Shelby's examination of Black political thought in history, when, today, the Black Lives Matter movement is living in this tradition of Black radical thought and struggle.
Indeed, as I read, I thought mostly of how what he says gives names to our efforts in this current movement. After reading, I can say with more confidence, knowing the arguments against have been exhausted: yes, Black political engagement and Black political space is of the utmost importance. Indeed, he makes a compelling argument for Blackness (where most sensically deployed) as a politic, a recognition of a shared struggle. It is in this moment, then, perhaps where we continue to organize and move past, much further past the assumptions Shelby ends with. Where he ends, unfortunately, leaves intact the guiding logics of capitalist, democratic America--where the presumed method of engagement is a statist politics of appeal and recognition. I finished this book with the question: is this where Black as politics comes to?
It'll be wrong to say that Shelby comes out and says as much. I think, for the most part, he takes care to avoid detailing what the content of a Black politics should look like, preferring instead to simply state what it best not exhibit, and how it's best represented. What it amounts to is the proposal for a Black public philosophy, rooted in a pragmatic Black nationalism, which is principally anti-racist, non-essentialist, and democratic. A strict uncritical adherence to the project of Democracy seems to me to suggest the content and form of Black solidarity to narrowly. I prefer to deal in the Underground, public-private space of the Freedom Dream.
I don't think my preference, however, amounts to a critique of the merits of this book. As I said, it's been useful in giving history and context to some important questions that still hold political importance. It's given me space to think more deeply about the possibilities of Black solidarity and co-operation. The implications of a persistent politics as such have yet to be written; though, at minimum, it is clear what it will allow for: a more robust program for Black self-defense.