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157 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1922
When we do not know the causes of an evil and we don't have solutions, well, there is not much we can do about it; but as soon as the solution is found, it becomes everybody's concern and duty to put it into practice. (III, p. 27)
Capitalism is the same everywhere. In order to survive and prosper it needs a permanent situation of partial scarcity: it needs it to maintain its prices and to create hungry masses to work under any conditions. (III, p. 30)
[W]hen one eats well work is no longer threatening. (III, p. 33)
Imagine, and this is something that has been witnessed many times, that an earthquake destroys a city ruining an entire district. In a little time the city is reconstructed in a form more beautiful than before and not a trace of the disaster remains. Because in such a case it is in the interests of proprietors and capitalists to employ people, the means are quickly found, and in the blink of an eye an entire city is reconstructed, where before they had continually asserted that they lacked the means to build a few "workers' houses" (IV, p. 38)
The truth is that for land, even more than for the rest, the origin of private property, is violence. (V, p. 50)
Laws are made and unmade to please the strongest. Those who are a little stronger than the average violate them; those who are very much stronger repeal them, and make others to suit their interests. (VI, p. 58)
I am by no means saying that we should maintain idlers, when they are in such numbers as to cause damage: I am very afraid that idleness and the habit of living off others may lead to a desire to command. Communism is a free agreement: who doesn't accept it or maintain it, remains outside of it. (VII, p. 69)
How could there be liberty without a possible alternative? (VII, p. 70)
In fact, the major damage caused by crime is not so much the single and transitory instance of the violation of the rights of a few individuals, but the danger that it will serve as an opportunity and pretext for the constitution of an authority that, with the outward appearance of defending society will subdue and oppress it. (XI, p. 101)
It is we, the proletariat, the oppressed class, who are the electricians and gas-fitters, we who drive the locomotives, it is we who make the explosives and shape the mines, it is we who drive automobiles and aeroplanes, it is we who are the soldiers... it is we, unfortunately, that defend you against our-selves. You only survive because of the unwitting agreement of your victims. Be careful of awakening their consciousness... (XII, p. 108)
I don't believe that moral transformation will come suddenly, out of the blue. Of course, a large, an immense change will take place through the simple fact that bread is assured and liberty gained; but all the bad passions, which have become embodied in us through the age-old influence of slavery and of the struggle between people, will not disappear at a stroke. There will still be for a long time those who will feel tempted to impose their will on others with violence, who will wish to exploit favourable circumstances to create privileges for themselves, who will retain an aversion for work inspired by the conditions of slavery in which today they are forced to labour, and so on. (XV, p. 131)
As far as the "laws of history", they are formulated after history is made. Let us first of all make history. (XVII, p. 152)