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Jammu and Kashmir Dilemma of Accession: A Historical Analysis and Lesson [Hardcover] [Jan 01, 2017] Radha Rajan
Jammu and Dilemma of Accession authored by Radha Rajan analyses Prime Minister Pandit Ramchandra Kak’s first-hand narrative of the tragic events which shook Riyasat e Jammu wa Kashmir wa Ladakh wa Tibet ha or the Kingdom of Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh and the Tibets in the critical years of 1946-47 when Pandit Ramchandra Kak was Prime Minister of the kingdom. Prime Minister Kak describes the role played by the Indian National Congress in the affairs of Jammu and Kashmir from 1938 onwards and explains why the Kingdom could not accede to India in 1946 when the offer to accede was first made and again in 1947 when the Prime Minister came under pressure from several quarters to accede to Pakistan and to India. While V.P Menon's book for reasons unknown does not touch upon the critically important details which culminated in the tragedy of absolute power and total control over the entire kingdom being transferred to Sheikh Abdullah, it nevertheless provides critical insights and infor
- GenresIndiaHistoryNonfiction
178 pages, Hardcover
Published January 1, 2017
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Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews
October 15, 2019
This second book by Radha Rajan is a riveting account of the events surrounding the accession of J&K. It is based on the first hand account of the then PM of J&K, Rama Chandra Kak, who is been largely forgotten in the discourse on J&K. It makes a scathing commentary on the role of Nehru pertaining to the approach and policy towards the entire issue of J&K.
November 25, 2020
The birth of this book itself starts with a mystery when one day the author Radha Rajan receives an anonymous post containing the private notes of Pandit Ramchandra Kak, ex-Prime Minister to Maharaja Hari Singhji of the princely state of Jammu & Kashmir. This book assumes a greater significance given the fact that the only other copy of the original notes are in a museum in London and no where else in India.
Pandit Ramchandra Kak’s name has been tactfully hidden from the popular discourses of the tumultuous years of J&K-India. But he played a crucial and decisive role in state affairs (both internal & external) and checking the menace that was Sheikh Abdullah & his Muslim/National conference.
Pandit Kak being the PM to the Maharaja had a direct say on the decision of accession too. And THIS MISSING LINK is the CRUX of this book where Pandit Kak narrates an INSIDER ACCOUNT of how things unfolded one after the other in J&K; most importantly the prevailing conditions in 1946 till accession in 1947. It finally puts to rest the question, why Maharaja Hari Singh & PM Pandit Kak decided to NOT accede to Pakistan and they COULD’T accede to India either.
The book starts with an analysis on the notes of RCK by categorizing the notes in sections to answer many popular questions on the J&K dilemma.
This is followed with an interesting analysis of ‘The Devil’ i.e. article 370 & 35A. The analysis on how this article can and can’t be scrapped, it’s entanglements with the Constitution leading to a guarantee of it existence, is simply mind blowing! This particular section of the book is WORTH RE-READING.
The book ends with a clear photocopy of the original text of Pandit Kak’s notes. There is a brief on the personalities of Abdullah and the Maharaja; the epilogue of the notes shows the clarity of mind of RCK and the person that he was when he predicted the future of the country he had left behind.
HIGHLY RECOMMENDED!
Pandit Ramchandra Kak’s name has been tactfully hidden from the popular discourses of the tumultuous years of J&K-India. But he played a crucial and decisive role in state affairs (both internal & external) and checking the menace that was Sheikh Abdullah & his Muslim/National conference.
Pandit Kak being the PM to the Maharaja had a direct say on the decision of accession too. And THIS MISSING LINK is the CRUX of this book where Pandit Kak narrates an INSIDER ACCOUNT of how things unfolded one after the other in J&K; most importantly the prevailing conditions in 1946 till accession in 1947. It finally puts to rest the question, why Maharaja Hari Singh & PM Pandit Kak decided to NOT accede to Pakistan and they COULD’T accede to India either.
The book starts with an analysis on the notes of RCK by categorizing the notes in sections to answer many popular questions on the J&K dilemma.
This is followed with an interesting analysis of ‘The Devil’ i.e. article 370 & 35A. The analysis on how this article can and can’t be scrapped, it’s entanglements with the Constitution leading to a guarantee of it existence, is simply mind blowing! This particular section of the book is WORTH RE-READING.
The book ends with a clear photocopy of the original text of Pandit Kak’s notes. There is a brief on the personalities of Abdullah and the Maharaja; the epilogue of the notes shows the clarity of mind of RCK and the person that he was when he predicted the future of the country he had left behind.
HIGHLY RECOMMENDED!
April 9, 2021
The state of Jammu and Kashmir is now in a divided condition between the two hostile nations of India and Pakistan. Kashmir joined India in 1947 and remains an integral part of the multi-religious, multi-ethnic federation of India. Pakistan’s claim on Kashmir is solely based on religion. Since the state (taken as a whole) contains 70 per cent Muslims, Pakistan feels that it should join her, which is an Islamic state where the harsh Sharia law is being strictly enforced. They ignore the wishes of Kashmir’s 30 per cent non-Muslims who will be doomed to certain extinction in the theocratic state of Pakistan that aims for the conversion of its religious minorities as state policy. Keeping these things in mind, if we go back to 1947, we see a lot of events occurring in quick succession which sealed the destiny of Kashmir. This book is based on a written account by Ramchandra Kak, the prime minister of Kashmir during the turbulent times of Indian independence. Radha Ranjan is a political thinker and the author of many books that analyse politics from a rightist perspective. The book includes a foreword by Krishen Kak, the grandson of Ramchandra Kak and an afterword by Lila Bhan, the elder Kak’s daughter.
This book is based on the insider account of Ramchandra Kak, the prime minister of Hari Singh, ruler of Kashmir. He was in office from 30 Jun 1945 to 11 Aug 1947 and was unceremoniously shunted out of the top post with just four days remaining for Indian independence. The existence of the account written in 1956 was unknown for most of the time. In the year 2016, the author received a photocopy of the note by post. She was intrigued by the 22-page document whose original was kept in the India Office Library at London. She managed to obtain another copy from Kak’s family which was a re-typed version of the original narrative with corrections made by Kak on the margin. Later, a genuine copy was obtained from London that proved its authenticity.
The author provides the background for the intransigent attitude of Congress against the ruling house of Kashmir. In the 1938 Haripura session, Congress reiterated its objective of standing for the same political, social and economic freedom in the native states as in the case of British provinces. There were individual movements in various states for responsible government. Shaikh Abdullah was the leader of one of the Kashmir movements but Jawaharlal Nehru boosted his image considerably by declaring open support. Gandhi and Nehru took to disrespectful and antagonistic approach in their dealings with the Maharaja of Kashmir. Shaikh Abdullah embarked on a hostile campaign to Quit Kashmir in 1946 against the ruler. Mobs of thousands strong used to surround houses of respectable citizens who opposed Abdullah and terrorized the inmates throwing stones and shouting filthy abuses. The maharaja had no other option than to put him behind bars on sedition charges.
The book then goes on to explain in detail the relationship’s sudden plunge to a low level after Abdullah’s arrest. Nehru wanted to visit him in jail, but the state forbade his coming. Nehru arrived in Kashmir flouting prohibitory orders and Kak’s police arrested him too. Utmost respect was shown to him and all facilities were provided in the Dak Bungalow where he was housed in detention. New telephone lines were laid for Nehru’s use. When he wanted to get back urgently to Delhi for negotiations with the Cabinet Mission, J&K government made arrangements for his travel to Rawalpindi by road and then to Delhi on a special plane chartered by the maharaja. Congress was determined to interfere in the affairs of Kashmir which was quite unlike its attitude to other princely states. The party appointed a committee with Jairamdas Daulatram and Sri Prakasa as members to hold an enquiry with regard to Shaikh Abdullah’s agitation, arrest, trial and conviction. Obviously, the J&K government refused to accept the authority of this frivolous committee. Moreover, Hari Singh was totally influenced by a local seer, Swami Sant Dev. He also believed that after the departure of the British from India, he would through the potency of the Swami’s supernatural power, be able to extend his territory and rule over a much larger dominion.
Radha Ranjan makes a seething attack on Indian national leaders who maintained a casual or indifferent sentiment against Kashmir. She claims that Gandhi assumed a very tall moral stance which forced a situation on the political players where he couldn’t be publicly exposed or challenged as the Congress would’ve been rendered leaderless and rudderless without him. His three agitations – civil disobedience, Salt Satyagraha and Quit India were only tokenisms and sloganeering in response to Tilak’s return from Mandalay, execution of Bhagat Singh and the meteoric rise of Bose and his INA respectively. These protests often turned violent and ordinary people paid with their lives and liberty, but they did not take a toll of Gandhi. Patel, Rajaji, K M Munshi and Rajendra Prasad also kept silent on the Kashmir issue (p.80). V P Menon too gets a dressing down as he writes that ‘during August [1947], I had no time to think of Kashmir’.
As usual with most of the matters under his consideration, it was Nehru who messed things around in Kashmir. He was very friendly to Shaikh Abdullah and wanted the state to be entrusted to him. This was in spite of fierce opposition to Abdullah from Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas, who was more popular in Kashmir. The king was removed from power and Abdullah was put in charge of Kashmir in contrast to other states where the ruler king nominally continued as the head of government till the reorganization of states happened nearly a decade later. Here, Nehru misread Abdullah’s intentions. The author claims that he was aiming for an independent state whose continued existence was guaranteed by the Indian armed forces and whose solvency was secured by the Indian treasury. He planned nothing to give in return. Nehru gave Kashmir a special status which put it on a par with a virtually free state having its own constitution and flag. Abdullah clamoured for still more freebies until Nehru ran out of patience and arrested him in 1953. He remained in prison for 11 years.
Revocation of Kashmir’s special status in 2019 was a bold action with tremendous impact. This book was published before this event, but contains advice on the legal options through which the special status could be scrapped. Kak notices that the Instrument of Accession was the only binding document regarding Kashmir’s merger with India. Plebiscite, separate constituent assembly, separate state constitution and Article 370do not find any mention in this document. Indian parliament in one voice can reject all sops and concessions made to Shaikh Abdullah by Gandhi and Nehru (p.79). These words spelt out in 2017 were prophetic indeed in nature! The valley contains a population of which 95 per cent are Muslims. However, if the Jews could get back Israel after 2000 years of exile, why should it be considered extraordinary if India wanted to retain Kashmir which is already in its possession?
After reading the book, the readers are likely to get a little disappointed. Practically nothing new is divulged by the former prime minister than is already known to the public. Since the memoirs were written almost nine years after partition, the advantage of hindsight is also available to him to embellish the narrative. The book contains a lot of quotes from V P Menon’s ‘Integration of Indian States’ which is interleaved with Kak’s description. This is confusing to the ordinary readers. Kak’s family employs considerable patronage to the book in the form of a foreword and afterword.
The book is recommended.
This book is based on the insider account of Ramchandra Kak, the prime minister of Hari Singh, ruler of Kashmir. He was in office from 30 Jun 1945 to 11 Aug 1947 and was unceremoniously shunted out of the top post with just four days remaining for Indian independence. The existence of the account written in 1956 was unknown for most of the time. In the year 2016, the author received a photocopy of the note by post. She was intrigued by the 22-page document whose original was kept in the India Office Library at London. She managed to obtain another copy from Kak’s family which was a re-typed version of the original narrative with corrections made by Kak on the margin. Later, a genuine copy was obtained from London that proved its authenticity.
The author provides the background for the intransigent attitude of Congress against the ruling house of Kashmir. In the 1938 Haripura session, Congress reiterated its objective of standing for the same political, social and economic freedom in the native states as in the case of British provinces. There were individual movements in various states for responsible government. Shaikh Abdullah was the leader of one of the Kashmir movements but Jawaharlal Nehru boosted his image considerably by declaring open support. Gandhi and Nehru took to disrespectful and antagonistic approach in their dealings with the Maharaja of Kashmir. Shaikh Abdullah embarked on a hostile campaign to Quit Kashmir in 1946 against the ruler. Mobs of thousands strong used to surround houses of respectable citizens who opposed Abdullah and terrorized the inmates throwing stones and shouting filthy abuses. The maharaja had no other option than to put him behind bars on sedition charges.
The book then goes on to explain in detail the relationship’s sudden plunge to a low level after Abdullah’s arrest. Nehru wanted to visit him in jail, but the state forbade his coming. Nehru arrived in Kashmir flouting prohibitory orders and Kak’s police arrested him too. Utmost respect was shown to him and all facilities were provided in the Dak Bungalow where he was housed in detention. New telephone lines were laid for Nehru’s use. When he wanted to get back urgently to Delhi for negotiations with the Cabinet Mission, J&K government made arrangements for his travel to Rawalpindi by road and then to Delhi on a special plane chartered by the maharaja. Congress was determined to interfere in the affairs of Kashmir which was quite unlike its attitude to other princely states. The party appointed a committee with Jairamdas Daulatram and Sri Prakasa as members to hold an enquiry with regard to Shaikh Abdullah’s agitation, arrest, trial and conviction. Obviously, the J&K government refused to accept the authority of this frivolous committee. Moreover, Hari Singh was totally influenced by a local seer, Swami Sant Dev. He also believed that after the departure of the British from India, he would through the potency of the Swami’s supernatural power, be able to extend his territory and rule over a much larger dominion.
Radha Ranjan makes a seething attack on Indian national leaders who maintained a casual or indifferent sentiment against Kashmir. She claims that Gandhi assumed a very tall moral stance which forced a situation on the political players where he couldn’t be publicly exposed or challenged as the Congress would’ve been rendered leaderless and rudderless without him. His three agitations – civil disobedience, Salt Satyagraha and Quit India were only tokenisms and sloganeering in response to Tilak’s return from Mandalay, execution of Bhagat Singh and the meteoric rise of Bose and his INA respectively. These protests often turned violent and ordinary people paid with their lives and liberty, but they did not take a toll of Gandhi. Patel, Rajaji, K M Munshi and Rajendra Prasad also kept silent on the Kashmir issue (p.80). V P Menon too gets a dressing down as he writes that ‘during August [1947], I had no time to think of Kashmir’.
As usual with most of the matters under his consideration, it was Nehru who messed things around in Kashmir. He was very friendly to Shaikh Abdullah and wanted the state to be entrusted to him. This was in spite of fierce opposition to Abdullah from Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas, who was more popular in Kashmir. The king was removed from power and Abdullah was put in charge of Kashmir in contrast to other states where the ruler king nominally continued as the head of government till the reorganization of states happened nearly a decade later. Here, Nehru misread Abdullah’s intentions. The author claims that he was aiming for an independent state whose continued existence was guaranteed by the Indian armed forces and whose solvency was secured by the Indian treasury. He planned nothing to give in return. Nehru gave Kashmir a special status which put it on a par with a virtually free state having its own constitution and flag. Abdullah clamoured for still more freebies until Nehru ran out of patience and arrested him in 1953. He remained in prison for 11 years.
Revocation of Kashmir’s special status in 2019 was a bold action with tremendous impact. This book was published before this event, but contains advice on the legal options through which the special status could be scrapped. Kak notices that the Instrument of Accession was the only binding document regarding Kashmir’s merger with India. Plebiscite, separate constituent assembly, separate state constitution and Article 370do not find any mention in this document. Indian parliament in one voice can reject all sops and concessions made to Shaikh Abdullah by Gandhi and Nehru (p.79). These words spelt out in 2017 were prophetic indeed in nature! The valley contains a population of which 95 per cent are Muslims. However, if the Jews could get back Israel after 2000 years of exile, why should it be considered extraordinary if India wanted to retain Kashmir which is already in its possession?
After reading the book, the readers are likely to get a little disappointed. Practically nothing new is divulged by the former prime minister than is already known to the public. Since the memoirs were written almost nine years after partition, the advantage of hindsight is also available to him to embellish the narrative. The book contains a lot of quotes from V P Menon’s ‘Integration of Indian States’ which is interleaved with Kak’s description. This is confusing to the ordinary readers. Kak’s family employs considerable patronage to the book in the form of a foreword and afterword.
The book is recommended.
October 14, 2021
An entirely new perspective on the history of Jammu and Kashmir. Seen through the eyes of Prime Minister Kak, the book helps develop a better understanding of the history of the region.
December 9, 2023
Foreword from Krishen Kak- the grandson of the then J&K PM Pandit Ramchandra Kak, and afterword by her daughter Lila Bhan. The Book is based on the writings of Smt Lila Bhan- the daughter of the then J&K PM Pandit Ramchandra Kak. Her writing in turn is based on the diary writings/notes of her father, and both these writings have been used by the author Radha Rajan, to write this Book, appending some of her own views.
The beginning of the Book is so messed up. Part 1 - Part 3 (i.e. Page 15-88) in particular, is so badly written. It quotes 3 different books/writings and mixes those up with author’s own views. And the commentaries are made in jumbled sequence numbering which is so confusing. For example, on page 27 is a section with title “section IV RCK paper”, it had point 38, 40, and it goes to Section I point 18,19 etc. On page 55, is “Section VI”, it has point 4,5,6,7, and after point 7, comes some other content with point 10,11,12….16, and next point is 26!! And lo and behold, “Section VI” point 8, makes it entry NOW on page 64! Now, on page 64, there is point 8,9 and then 12!! Page 65 has two sections titled “Section 1”!! And on page 70, there comes “Section V”, with point 41, 42.
Hope you get that. The writing is so messed up in this section. It is as if the author has taken an oath to play with the minds of readers. These serious stuffs of Historical matters, are anyway a bit difficult to understand, so effort should have been made to write about them in an easy-to-understand way, in stead, the author has put least effort in that direction.
The real content of the Book lies between page 123 to 158. That part contains “Print copy of the original document received from Smt. Lila Bhan”. That is the part, where Pandit Ramchandra Kak’s daughter has written her views in a sequential manner, and she has put forth her views based on the writings of her father only. That section has the actual content, the real content in understandable way. I wish the author had simply written in the beginning only, to just skip to page 123.
The Book comes up biased and motivated at times. Read as a standalone book, this book has potential to spread lots of misinformation, since it has taken such a myopic view at the events surrounding the partition and J&K accession.
But all in all, a good read, gives a new perspective to the J&K issue. Due to the poor 1st half and some clearly motivated views of the author, I think it doesn't deserve more than 3 star rating. Full review here-
https://shantihp.blogspot.com/2023/12...
The beginning of the Book is so messed up. Part 1 - Part 3 (i.e. Page 15-88) in particular, is so badly written. It quotes 3 different books/writings and mixes those up with author’s own views. And the commentaries are made in jumbled sequence numbering which is so confusing. For example, on page 27 is a section with title “section IV RCK paper”, it had point 38, 40, and it goes to Section I point 18,19 etc. On page 55, is “Section VI”, it has point 4,5,6,7, and after point 7, comes some other content with point 10,11,12….16, and next point is 26!! And lo and behold, “Section VI” point 8, makes it entry NOW on page 64! Now, on page 64, there is point 8,9 and then 12!! Page 65 has two sections titled “Section 1”!! And on page 70, there comes “Section V”, with point 41, 42.
Hope you get that. The writing is so messed up in this section. It is as if the author has taken an oath to play with the minds of readers. These serious stuffs of Historical matters, are anyway a bit difficult to understand, so effort should have been made to write about them in an easy-to-understand way, in stead, the author has put least effort in that direction.
The real content of the Book lies between page 123 to 158. That part contains “Print copy of the original document received from Smt. Lila Bhan”. That is the part, where Pandit Ramchandra Kak’s daughter has written her views in a sequential manner, and she has put forth her views based on the writings of her father only. That section has the actual content, the real content in understandable way. I wish the author had simply written in the beginning only, to just skip to page 123.
The Book comes up biased and motivated at times. Read as a standalone book, this book has potential to spread lots of misinformation, since it has taken such a myopic view at the events surrounding the partition and J&K accession.
But all in all, a good read, gives a new perspective to the J&K issue. Due to the poor 1st half and some clearly motivated views of the author, I think it doesn't deserve more than 3 star rating. Full review here-
https://shantihp.blogspot.com/2023/12...
December 29, 2024
A must read for every Indian who wants to know more about the accession of Kashmir and Article 370. The book is based on private notes of PM Ramchandra Kak. He was the PM of J&K pre independence (Yes I didnt know his name before reading this book).
Once you read this, you will know how and in what way Nehru and Gandhi left us with 370 which took roughly 75 years to repeal.
Knocking off one star as the book could have been written better and is a bit repetitive at times.
I will now read some other books by Radha Ranjan as well.
Once you read this, you will know how and in what way Nehru and Gandhi left us with 370 which took roughly 75 years to repeal.
Knocking off one star as the book could have been written better and is a bit repetitive at times.
I will now read some other books by Radha Ranjan as well.
Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews