Against contemporary historians who make a virtue of being a "splitter", i.e. always highlighting the contradictions and distinctions within social groupings, it is refreshing to read a history by an unapologetic "lumper" who is not afraid to draw linkages and express continuity across ages. Thus in his history of "England" (often Great Britain, sometimes the British Isles and even in some cases the British Empire and wider Anglo-sphere) he has arrayed on one side the Barons-Lancastrians-Cavaliers-Jacobites-Tories-Conservatives and on the other Merchants-Yorkists-Roundheads-Orangists-Whigs-Liberals. Within the conflicts of these two forces, arises the central character of the work, albiet one that is liable to dissapear and reappear obscurely, that is the mass of the English people, made up of the serfs, small farmers, agricultural labourers, craftsmens, journeymen and finally the industrial proletariat. But even within the expressions of this group there are blatant class differences, Kett's rebellion of the 16th century including both landowners and serfs, the Levellers in the English revolution being representatives of the small holders whose desire for unviersal suffrage did not extent to wage-earners, the chartist leaders such as Feargus O'Connor being virolent anti-socialists....
Morton does not dwell on these surtures beyond the strictly necessary. Speaking of the roundheads he says:
"We do not need to idealise the bourgeoisie of the Seventeenth Century, who had most of the faults common to their class in all ages, but it is possible to say that just because they were the historically progressive class of their time, they could not fight for their own rights and liberties without also fighting for the rights and liberties of all Englishmen and of humanity as a whole. "
In this we see the reflection of the popular frontism of the mid to late 1930s that Morton as a member of the CPGB ascribed to. From 1934, national communist parties were directed to abandon the previous periods strategy of uncompromising aggresion against the social democratic parties, and not only form a united front with them, but extend this hand of friendship to liberals and even conservatives who could be counted on to be "anti-fascist". This necessarily involved the suppresion of working class activity (something the Trotskyist took advantage of during the war). Morton is of course not guilty in his history of the same butchery of the working class that the stalinist parties took part in in the name of "progress" during his own time. Morton's butcher was english society itself, which worked hard to silence, disarm, and brutalise the english labouring classes enough that there would be no stable and coherent subject for him to follow. I also don't want to oppose the Bad Morton to the Good Thompson, where the silent worker can speak out in history through any and all ephemera (as interesting as that is). Morton's work has great advantages in both its clarity and explanatory depth. Yet it suffers from the same shotcomings as most bodies of work from the orthodox second international school do. This is the logic that causes parties to flip violently on the question of progressivism and sees history in terms of an economic base that is fettered by a political superstructure (for instance Morton uses the base-superstructure pairing to describe the Saxon township anticipating Norman government). The political problem is then limited to the task of revolutionising the superstructure, a task the middle classes are congenitally suited for. Despite its protesting otherwise, the book therefore can't help but be a paean to Whiggery.