This is the best book I've read in a long time with the worst title I've ever seen.
Despite my love for Chris Hedges I shelved this book for awhile because the prologue focuses on Sam Harris, and I thought to myself, "I like Sam Harris but I don't need you to tell me he's a racist; that doesn't discount the non-Islamophobic things he says."
This book is not really about atheism. It's about the current wave of "new atheists" which, in Hedges mind, err just as foolishly as their Religious Right counterparts by harkening the day when mankind will approach a utopia through reason. As a lifetime war correspondent, I think it's safe to say Hedges has no faith in mankind's better nature and is not awaiting any kind of utopia. Hedges persuasively argues that the important thing about religion is not the kindly-old-man-in-the-clouds straw man figure the new atheists have built up to break down, but the idea of sin, that man is inherently flawed. Hedges argues that belief that religion causes atrocity is misplaced, and he provides ample examples in recent global history in which secular belief in science and reason has nonetheless led to atrocities just as much, if not more, than religious faith. At no point in the book does Hedges claim that religion can prevent atrocities or is necessary for a moral life. He only cautions that ideologies which don't believe in he dark potential of human nature are dangerous, and blind faith in "reason" is misplaced, leading people to believe in a utopia just as specious as medieval peasants awaiting heaven.
This is a quick read, but a really good one. Pick it up!
Quote time!!!
"The liberal church also usually buys into the myth that we can morally progress as a species. It, too, accepts along with atheists and the fundamentalists, Pangloss's rosy vision in Voltaire's Candide that we live in, "the best of all possible worlds." and that if we have faith and trust in the forces around us, "all is for the best/" It is this naïve belief in our goodness and decency-- this inability to face the dark reality of human nature, our capacity for evil and the morally neutral universe we inhabit-- that is the most disturbing aspect of all of these systems."
"Reigns of terror are thus the bastard child of the Enlightenment. Terror in the name of utopian ideals would rise again and again in the coming centuries. The Nazi death camps and the Soviet gulags were spawned by the enlightenment. Fascists and communists were bred on visions of human perfectibility. Tens of millions of people have been murdered in the futile effort to reform human nature and build utopian societies. During these reigns of terror, science and reason served, as they continue to serve, interests purportedly devoted to the common good-- and to vast mechanisms of repression and mass killing. The belief in human perfectibility, in history as a march towards a glorious culmination, is a malformed theology."
"Environmental catastrophe, and wars fought for water and oil and other natural resources will become our collective reality. Terrorism will not be eradicated. We must accept our limitations as a species and curb our wanton disregard for the interconnectedness of life. We need to investigate and understand the desperation of those who oppose us. If we continue to dismiss those who oppose us as satanic or as religious zealots who must be silenced or eradicated, we stumble into the fundamentalist trap of a binary world of blacks and whites, a world without nuance. To explain is not an excuse. To understand is not to forgive. Those who look at others as simple, one-dimensional caricatures fuel the rage of the dispossessed. They answer violence with violence. These utopian belief systems, these forms of faith, are well-trod paths of self-delusion and self-destruction. They allow us to sleepwalk into disaster."
"We carry on a never-ending struggle with "the evil that I would not that I do, " as Paul wrote. It is this capacity for empathy, remorse and self-reflection that saves us from ourselves. The struggle for survival, the interplay between prey and predator, does not appear to engender feelings of guilt or remorse among animals. But as human beings, we can imagine and empathize with the plight of others. It is this remorse, this capacity for empathy, which plagues many of those who return from combat. The knowledge that we have the capacity to impose indignities on other human beings is the essence of human dignity. Non sum dignus. When we lose this capacity for empathy, when we see the other as someone who must be "educated" to embrace our values or eliminated, we slip swiftly back into the world of animals."
"A democratic state begins from the assumption that most of those who gravitate toward power are mediocre and probably immoral. It assumes that we must always protect ourselves from bad government. We must be prepared for the worst leaders even as we hope for the best. And as Karl Popper wrote, this understanding leads to a new approach to power, for "it forces us to replace the question: Who shall rule? By the new question: How can we so organize political institutions that bad or incompetent rulers can be prevented from doing too much damage?"
"Science can be as inexact and intuitive as theology, philosophy and every other human endeavor. The German chemist August Kekule fell asleep in his study after a fruitless struggle to identify the chemical structure of benzene. He dreamed of a snake eating its own tail and awoke instantly. The dream gave him, through the ancient subconscious language of symbolism, the circular structure of the benzene ring that had eluded his conscious mind. The dream may have had its basis in Kekule's experiments, but it was the nonrational that brought him his discovery. Many physicists see " string theory "-in which the structure of the universe is made up of resonating, one-dimensional submicroscopic strings-as plausible. Yet no scientist has
ever seen a string. No direct experimentation has established very firm ground for them. Cosmology routinely bases arguments on things that cannot be seen in order to explain things that can, as in the case of "dark" matter, which, it is argued, must exist since its effects can be seen throughout the universe. Quantum physics demolished the assumption that physical elements are governed by laws pervious to prediction and conventional analysis, meaning we cannot
ever know the ultimate workings of the universe beyond
the expedient of probability."
"James Luther Adams, my ethics professor at Harvard Divinity School, spoke of the "old triumvirate of tyrants in the human soul, the libido sciendi, the libido sentiendi, and the libido dominandi" [The lust of the mind, the lust of the flesh and the lust for power] . Adams, who worked with the anti-Nazi church leader Dietrich Bonhoeffer in 1935 and 1 93 6 in Germany, warned us that these lusts are universal and intractable. They lurk beneath the surface of the most refined cultures and civilizations. "We may call these tendencies by any name we wish," he said, "but we do not escape their destructive influence by a conspiracy of silence concerning them."
The belief that science or religion can eradicate these lusts leads to the worship of human potential and human power. These lusts are woven into our genetic map. We can ameliorate them, but they are always with us; we will never ultimately defeat them. The attempt to deny the lusts within us empowers this triumvirate. They surface, unexamined and unheeded, to commit evil in the name of good. We are not saved by reason. We are not saved by religion. We are saved by turning away from projects that tempt us to become God, and by accepting our own contamination and the limitations of being human."
"The atheists and Christian fundamentalists, because they serve mechanisms of power, because they refuse to deal in complexity, reduce the rage and violence of the world's dispossessed to human imperfections that can be eradicated. If the disaffected can be converted to Christianity or become endowed with reason, we will all be safe and happy. If not, we must do away with them. They do not
investigate the brutality and injustice of imperial aggression, the callousness of totalitarian capitalism and the role of poverty and repression as triggers for violence and terrorism. They blame the victims."
"Obermensch, Nietzsche wrote, rejects the sentimental tenets of traditional Christian civilization. The Obermensch creates his own morality based on human instincts, drive and will. The will to power means, for Nietzsche, that the modern man has gone "beyond good and evil." The modern man spurns established, traditional religious values. He has the moral fortitude and wisdom to create his own values.
This belief creates a human deity. Religion, which has failed humankind, will be banished. We will all become Obermenschen.
The absurdity of this human deity did not prevent Nietzsche from seeing where it could lead. Nietzsche warned that this new faith might, in fact, prefigure something else-a pathetic, middle-class farce. Nietzsche foresaw the deadening effects of the bourgeois lust for comfort and personal self-satisfaction. Science and technology might, instead, bring about a race of Dauermenschen, of Last Men."
"They promote, as Chalmers johnson says, a "consumerist Sparta." It is the poor and desperate who fight our wars. The impoverished, often without legal rights, do the dirty work for a bloated, self-absorbed oligarchy and its compliant middle-class managers. Curtis White in The Middle Mind argues that most Americans are aware of the brutality
and injustice used to maintain the excesses of their consumer society and empire. He suspects they do not care. They don't want to see what is done in their name. They do not want to look at the rows of flag-draped coffins or the horribly maimed bodies and faces of veterans who return home or the hundreds of thousands we have killed in Iraq. It is too upsetting. They do not want to read about the nation's growing
legions of underemployed and poor, or the child laborers in sweat shops who make our clothing and our shoes. Government and media censorship-increasingly common since the attacks of 200 1 -are appreciated. Most prefer to be entertained."
"The new atheists respond to this human hunger for telos, a belief that all that has gone before us is leading us somewhere. This desire for moral advancement has repeatedly corrupted religious and secular ideologies. We want to believe that human suffering and deprivation is meaningful, that it has a purpose and that our lives make sense. This
yearning for telos creates imaginary narratives of moral and historical progress. It feeds into the faith that human society will finally become reasonable and work collectively for the common good. It is a way to ward off the awful fact that things often do not get better, that they often get worse, and that the irrational urges of human nature will never be conquered."
"The United States of Andrew Jackson or George Washington is not the United States of Frederick Douglass or Sitting Bull. But we present
our history from the perspective of the winners, from those in power"
"Europeans, many of whom enthusiastically greeted the war, participated between 1914 and 1918 in collective suicide."
"Saddam Hussein was a tyrant, but the utopian project of the Bush administration to remake Iraq by force has created a hell that rivals the mass killing carried out by Hussein, including the genocidal campaign against the Kurds and the Shiites. Violence as an instrument of change alters landscapes so radically that it creates a new reality often as bloody as the one it attempted to halt....Time and patience would have worked to undo his regime. This was a policy built on
the possible. It accepted our own limitations as an imperial
power.
Utopian visions of a restructured Middle East, however, blinded the Bush administration and many of their supporters, including many liberal interventionists, to the endemic factionalism in Iraq and difficulty of occupation. They believed their utopian visions. They ignored the reality of Iraq. And because of their folly and blindness, their failure to work within the confines of reality, hundreds of thousands are dead, and Iraq no longer exists as a unified country."
"The occupation of Iraq, along with Afghanistan, has furthered the spread of failed states. It has increased authoritarianism, savage violence, instability and anarchy. It has swelled the ranks of our real enemies-the Islamic terrorists-and opened up voids of lawlessness where they can operate and plot against us. It has nearly scuttled the art of diplomacy. It has given us an outlaw state creating more outlaw states. It has empowered Iran, as well as Russia and China, which sit on the sidelines gleefully watching our selfimmolation.
This is what George W. Bush and all the "reluctant hawks" who supported him have bequeathed us. They bequeathed this to us because they turned away from the real and the possible to believe that American firepower could shape the world in our own image, in our own utopia"
"In a 2005 interview in The American Conservative, Pape said: "Since 1 990, the United States has stationed tens of thousands of ground troops on the Arabian Peninsula, and that is the main mobilization appeal of Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda. People who make the argument that it is a good thing to have them attacking us over there are missing that suicide terrorism is not a supply-limited phenomenon where
there are just a few hundred around the world willing to do it because they are religious fanatics. It is a demand-driven phenomenon. That is, it is driven by the presence of foreign forces on the territory that the terrorists view as their homeland. The operation in Iraq has stimulated suicide terrorism and has given suicide terrorism a new lease on life."
"The United States, as Lifton states, "becomes a Sisyphus with bombs,
able to set off explosions but unable to cope with its own burden, unable to roll its heavy stone to the top of the hill in Hades."
"Terrorists arise in all cultures, all nations and all religions. Terrorists lurk within our own society. The bombing on April 1 9, 1 995, of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City killed 1 68 people-1 9 of them children-and injured hundreds. It was carried out by an American citizen named Timothy McVeigh. William Krar and judith Bruey of Noonday, Texas, pleaded guilty in 2003 to possession of a weapon of mass destruction. Investigators found inside their home and in three storage facilities a sodium cyanide bomb capable of killing thousands, more than a hundred explosives, half a million rounds of ammunition, dozens of illegal weapons, and a mound of white-supremacist and antigovernment literature. McVeigh was not a Muslim; neither was Krar or Bruey."
"Terror is delivered in many forms. The industrial nations are not immune from employing terror. The only country that has deployed the greatest weapon of mass terror-the atomic bomb-is the United States. General Dwight Eisenhower opposed using the atomic bomb on a civilian population. He was overruled. The bomb was dropped for its psychological and emotional impact. It was meant to shock and demoralize not only the japanese population, who were already on the verge of surrender, but also the Soviets, who, political leaders in Washington hoped, would be intimidated by the devastating effects of the blast."
"The American military planners picked Hiroshima because the bombers would face less anti-aircraft fire. They calculated that the effect of obliterating a huge civilian population would be dramatic and terrifying. The "Strategic Bombing Survey, " conducted at President Harry Truman's request after the bomb hit Hiroshima on April 6, 1945,
noted that "nearly all the school children . . . were at work in the open," to be exploded, irradiated or incinerated in the perfect firestorm. Thousands of children on their way to school in Hiroshima and Nagasaki died. It had, as the planners at the University of California-run Los Alamos Lab envisioned, the maximum psychological impact.
The 370,000 overall deaths attributed to the bombings, 85 percent of which were civilian, do not permit us to place ourselves on a higher moral plane than terrorists. The use of an atomic weapon on noncombatants is not "regrettable but necessary." It is not part of the cost of war. It is morally indefensible. But heading into this kind of introspection is disturbing. It raises questions that shatter our self-image and question our moral purity. It is this realization of our own innate capacity for barbarity that sees Kurtz sputter at the
end of his life: "The horror, the horror! "
""The evil that is in the world always comes of ignorance, and good intentions may do as much harm as malevolence, if they lack understanding," wrote Albert Camus in The Plague. "On the whole, men are more good than bad; that, however, isn't the real point. But they are more or less ignorant, and it is this that we call vice or virtue; the most incorrigible vice being that of an ignorance that fancies it knows everything and therefore claims for itself the right to kill." "
""Nothing worth doing is completed in our lifetime, therefore, we are saved by hope," Reinhold Niebuhr wrote. "Nothing true or beautiful or good makes complete sense in any immediate context of history; Therefore, we are saved by faith. Nothing we do, however virtuous, can be accomplished alone. Therefore, we are saved by love. No virtuous act is quite as virtuous from the standpoint of our friend or foe as
from our own; Therefore, we are saved by the final form of love, which is forgiveness.""