Would recommend
This book is about evidence-based studies about implicit association/unconscious bias/cognitive dissonance, and although it is not quite popular science, the tone is conversational and accessible. The authors fully concede their own biases, and that helps humanize the findings. Also, taking the Implicit Association Tests that the authors developed is VERY eye-opening. Unfortunately, the book is short on solutions (because are there really any?), but it's worth the read to get a better sense of how biases are at work in everyday behavior. Below I included the questions I used for my book club discussion at work, plus lines of note to me.
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Discussion Questions
1. Before reading this book, how familiar were you with the concept of implicit association/unconscious bias? How did that affect how you approached the book? How have any of your ideas on the topic changed or evolved?
2. The authors define a category as “a collection of things having enough in common so that it is convenient to treat them as kin,” and they use social categories like race, ethnicity, and gender in a lot of examples. What other categories do we use to create shortcuts? How does that affect behavior and decisions?
3. The “Us and Them” chapter talks about in-groups and out-groups. When have you been a part of one or the other? What did that look like or feel like?
4. How can we help each other avoid blindspots?
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Lines of Note
By “good people” we refer to those, ourselves included, who intend well and who strive to align their behavior with their intentions. Our highest aim for this book is to explain the science sufficiently so that these good people will be better able to achieve that alignment. (xv)
…the mind automatically undoes this darkening to correct for the shadow, lightening our conscious experience of [the perceived darker square]. (8)
…mindbugs can be powerful enough to produce greater recollection of things that didn’t occur than of things that did occur. (9)
…we fail to perceive individuals as individuals. They are often viewed as representatives of social groups. Tragedies that arise both from inappropriate trust and from inappropriate distrust bear the imprint of automatic decisions made on the basis of group membership. (17)
Social mindbugs are not restricted to decisions based on a person’s race or ethnicity. They stem from psychologically and socially meaningful human groups of all sorts. Age, gender, religion, class, sexuality, disability, physical attractiveness, profession, and personality are only a few examples, and some are more magnetic than others in drawing us toward them as explanations of behavior. (17)
Formulated in the mid-1950s by Leon Festinger, a brilliant social psychologist, the theory of cognitive dissonance tells us that becoming aware of conflicts between our beliefs and our actions, or between two simultaneously coexisting beliefs, violates the natural human striving for mental harmony, or consonance. (59)
Most people, we’ve discovered to our happy surprise, would rather know about the cracks in their own minds. In the same way that they would want to know about a high level of blood cholesterol so that they can take action against it, they wish to confront potentially harmful mental content. They do so to be more certain that their automatic, unconscious thoughts do not result in actions that conflict with their reflective, rational side. (60)
When it comes to seeking change, the reflective, conscious side of the brain – the side that is unique to humankind – is more than capable of doing the necessary work. Its power derives from its ability to observe itself and to use those observations to guide conscious action. (70)
A category is a collection of things having enough in common so that it is convenient to treat them as kin. (78)
… those who belong to their society’s “default” categories may see stereotyping as less of a problem than others do – they are much less likely to be its victims. (92)
Stereotypes do not take special effort to acquire. Quite the opposite – they are acquired effortlessly, and take special effort to discount. (109)
… an act of terrorism committed by a member of the in-group may be forgotten faster than a similarly reprehensible act perpetrated by a member of a foreign group. (135)
… group identity abhors a vacuum. Create an arbitrary connection between a person and a group and provide the mere suggestion that there are others who lack this connection to self, and the psychology of “us” and “them” rushes in to fill the void. Lines are drawn, whether or not the basis for the groups makes any sense, and discrimination follows. The first of these “minimal group” studies showed that not only did group members assign more resources to their own minimal groups, even when they would gain nothing personally from it, but, even more surprisingly, they were willing for their group to pay a cost in resources in order to maximize the difference between “us” and “them.” That’s even harder to explain, adding self-defeat to mere collective selfishness. (136-137)
… “us” and “them” identities can be forged on the basis of the flimsiest of criteria, and that the allocation of resources to members of one’s own group at the expense of others can take a much subtler form than it did under Hitler, yet still exact a high price on those who are discriminated against. (140)
If there is a radical suggestion here, it is that the intergroup discrimination is less and less likely to involve explicit acts of aggression toward the out-group and more likely to involve everyday acts of helping the in-group. (142)
Receiving the benefits of being in the in-group tends to remain invisible for the most part. And this is perhaps why members of the dominant or majority groups are often genuinely stunned when the benefits they receive are pointed out. Blindspots hide both discriminations and privileges, so neither the discriminators nor the targets of discrimination, neither those who do the privileging nor the privileged, are aware. No small wonder that any attempt to consciously level the playing field meets with such resistance. (144)
Uncomfortable egalitarians may be the prototypical “good people” who have hidden biases. They see themselves as helpful, but it turns out that their helpfulness is selective, caused in part by their discomfort in interracial interactions. Their discriminatory behavior consists of being selectively ready or able to help only those who are like them, those in their circle of friends and acquaintances – in other words, those in groups for which they have automatic preferences. (159-160)
In a society in which the ability to help falls more to Whites than to Blacks and in which in-group favoritism is the norm, ordinary acts of helping will necessarily contribute to White advantage. (162)