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Oxford Readers
Fascism
No political ideology has had a greater impact on modern history, or caused more intellectual controversy, than fascism. It has been identified with totalitarianism, state terror, fanaticism, orchestrated violence, and blind obedience, and was directly associated with the horrors of the Second World War, which left more than 40 million dead and introduced inconceivable notions of inhumanity. The mere mention of the term today evokes visions of atrocities and ineffable cruelty. Yet, the end of the twentieth century appears to have spawned a renewed interest in fascism, suggesting that it is time for us to examine our understanding of its ideas, ideals, and inequities.
Edited by Roger Griffin, described as 'the premier theorist {of fascism} of the younger generation' (Contemporary European History), this important Oxford Reader demonstrates why fascism strongly appeals to many people, and how dangerous the result of this fascination may be. It includes a wide selection of texts written by fascist thinkers and propagandists, as well as by prominent anti-fascists from both inside and outside Europe, before and after the Second World War. Included are texts on fascism in Germany and Italy, on the abortive pre-1945 fascisms in more than a dozen countries around the world, on reactions to fascism, and on post-war and contemporary fascism. With contributions from writers as diverse as Benito Mussolini and Primo Levi, Joseph Goebbels and George Orwell, Martin Heidegger and Max Horkheimer, this compelling anthology provides insight into the depths and breadths of the destructive repercussions of fascist ideology. In no other volume will students of political theory, history, sociology, and psychology have access to such a compendium of key texts on this simultaneoulsy intriguing and frightening political force.
Edited by Roger Griffin, described as 'the premier theorist {of fascism} of the younger generation' (Contemporary European History), this important Oxford Reader demonstrates why fascism strongly appeals to many people, and how dangerous the result of this fascination may be. It includes a wide selection of texts written by fascist thinkers and propagandists, as well as by prominent anti-fascists from both inside and outside Europe, before and after the Second World War. Included are texts on fascism in Germany and Italy, on the abortive pre-1945 fascisms in more than a dozen countries around the world, on reactions to fascism, and on post-war and contemporary fascism. With contributions from writers as diverse as Benito Mussolini and Primo Levi, Joseph Goebbels and George Orwell, Martin Heidegger and Max Horkheimer, this compelling anthology provides insight into the depths and breadths of the destructive repercussions of fascist ideology. In no other volume will students of political theory, history, sociology, and psychology have access to such a compendium of key texts on this simultaneoulsy intriguing and frightening political force.
430 pages, Paperback
First published September 7, 1995
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About the author
Roger Griffin
43 books50 followersRoger David Griffin is a British professor of modern history and political theorist at Oxford Brookes University, England. His principal interest is the socio-historical and ideological dynamics of fascism, as well as various forms of political or religious fanaticism.
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August 12, 2016
I'm accustomed to hearing the word "fascist" thrown about as an epithet; particularly when the speaker is referring to a politician with whom he disagrees. It is, however, a signature of our wayward times that the term is being applied to prominent public figures in the United States and abroad; this time not as an insult, but as a descriptor.
The label has been given to Donald Trump and his hardened cadre of supporters, who seem to embrace him more tightly as his rhetoric becomes more outrageous and disconnected from reality. The same can be said of President Duterte of the Philippines, whose brutal methods for dealing with the country's drug problem may not be legal, but are nonetheless widely popular. The anti-immigrant and specifically anti-Islamic rhetoric of some of the "Brexiteers" of the United Kingdom and Geert Wilders' political party in the Netherlands have likewise attracted the label, as their prominence has grown in light of the European migrant crisis. Marine Le Pen's National Front has long been a notable right-wing presence in France, but it has received extra attention as that afflicted country, mother of Jacobinism and prototype for the secular liberal democratic nation-state, has become a favorite target of Islamic fundamentalists.
Much of the western world seems gripped by insularity; a tightening of borders, a hardening of hearts, a sense that expansion has been retarded by the corrupt, the bureaucratic, the condescending, and the stupid. A conviction that the socio-political status quo has been maintained by a global elite who care more for the advancement of their personal agendas than for the wellbeing, or even the basic security, of the people they govern. The promise of globalization seems not to have been kept. Economic growth has not led to proportional wage increases or employment opportunities. Automation and outsourcing have decimated previously stable livelihoods. Mass immigration has left some people feeling like aliens in their own communities. In such times, when prosperity seems to have become a zero-sum game, where else can the disoriented turn than to that old staple of political and economic order, the nation-state? Thus,
as we mark the centennial of the battle of the Somme, nationalism is back; and with it, the echoes of that most derided and peculiar of nationalist ideologies: Fascism.
But what exactly is Fascism? People think they know it when they see it. Violent rhetoric, censorship, a charismatic leader supported by paramilitary organizations which operate outside of any normal, legal political process. These are all common elements of Fascist regimes, but none of them are exclusively Fascist trademarks; no single political goal or structure testifies adequately, on its own, to the Fascist worldview.
Roger Griffin, a British academic and one of the world's leading authorities on the intellectual history of Fascism, provides an intellectually sound but verbally opaque definition: Fascism, he says, "is a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism." What does that mean? The key is in the term "palingenetic". Palingenesis is the archetypal concept of rebirth, as it appears in various world mythologies. In the context of Fascism, palingenesis is applied to "populist ultra-nationalism". Fascist movements tend to envision themselves as ushering in a "rebirth" of the nation, conceived of as an organic entity composed of people bound by ethnic kinship. This myth of rebirth, of the transition from the old and decrepit to the new and vibrant, carried out by the immortal living organism of the nation, is the core of Fascist ideology. Fascists in politics have taken any number of political stances to advance their pragmatic interests; even when those positions have flatly contradicted one another. But the running constant behind the political posturing is always the palingenetic myth. Uniquely among twentieth century ideologies, Fascism has proclaimed itself as an anti-rational and anti-materialist movement. It is a politics of the poetic intuition, and as such it stands in opposition to Marxism and liberalism, which concern themselves with the proper arrangement of powers through a rational judgment of mundane material interests. Fascist idealism sounds pseudo-religious in nature, but Griffin holds that as a thoroughly modernist ideology, Fascism lacks the truly transcendent properties of any traditional religion. The nation exists in the body of humanity, and its myth is enacted by and for humanity.
In Italy and Germany, the Fascist myth reached its efflorenscence with the First World War. Even before the war broke out, political radicals of all stripes saw the prospect of total war not as the fruitless calamity it would become in the eyes of future generations, but rather as an exciting opportunity for national renewal. The petty politics of the old regimes would be swept aside as entire nations mobilized for war and fought not for wealth or power, but for the glory of the nation, sealing the national bond with their blood. The soldiers who took part in the war would be seen by the Fascists as a type of vanguard class; a class untainted by partisanship and which served only the
nation as a mythical expression. The "trenchocracy", as Mussolini would call them, were taken to be inherently apolitical, and were thus the only ones capable of carrying out the total revolution envisioned by Fascist movements.
A majority of the texts in this reader are various expressions of the faith Fascist intellectuals had in the rebirth of their respective nations, and the decadence and corruption of the old order. Futurists, traditionalists, and syndicalists alike shared this concept, and their appearance here as apologists for Fascism is a testament to the nebulousness of the Fascist idea; and how that nebulousness was utilized to brew a lethal cocktail of anti-capitalist, anti-liberal, anti-democratic, anti-communist, and anti-semitic sentiment to form the most notorious political ideology in history.
The label has been given to Donald Trump and his hardened cadre of supporters, who seem to embrace him more tightly as his rhetoric becomes more outrageous and disconnected from reality. The same can be said of President Duterte of the Philippines, whose brutal methods for dealing with the country's drug problem may not be legal, but are nonetheless widely popular. The anti-immigrant and specifically anti-Islamic rhetoric of some of the "Brexiteers" of the United Kingdom and Geert Wilders' political party in the Netherlands have likewise attracted the label, as their prominence has grown in light of the European migrant crisis. Marine Le Pen's National Front has long been a notable right-wing presence in France, but it has received extra attention as that afflicted country, mother of Jacobinism and prototype for the secular liberal democratic nation-state, has become a favorite target of Islamic fundamentalists.
Much of the western world seems gripped by insularity; a tightening of borders, a hardening of hearts, a sense that expansion has been retarded by the corrupt, the bureaucratic, the condescending, and the stupid. A conviction that the socio-political status quo has been maintained by a global elite who care more for the advancement of their personal agendas than for the wellbeing, or even the basic security, of the people they govern. The promise of globalization seems not to have been kept. Economic growth has not led to proportional wage increases or employment opportunities. Automation and outsourcing have decimated previously stable livelihoods. Mass immigration has left some people feeling like aliens in their own communities. In such times, when prosperity seems to have become a zero-sum game, where else can the disoriented turn than to that old staple of political and economic order, the nation-state? Thus,
as we mark the centennial of the battle of the Somme, nationalism is back; and with it, the echoes of that most derided and peculiar of nationalist ideologies: Fascism.
But what exactly is Fascism? People think they know it when they see it. Violent rhetoric, censorship, a charismatic leader supported by paramilitary organizations which operate outside of any normal, legal political process. These are all common elements of Fascist regimes, but none of them are exclusively Fascist trademarks; no single political goal or structure testifies adequately, on its own, to the Fascist worldview.
Roger Griffin, a British academic and one of the world's leading authorities on the intellectual history of Fascism, provides an intellectually sound but verbally opaque definition: Fascism, he says, "is a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism." What does that mean? The key is in the term "palingenetic". Palingenesis is the archetypal concept of rebirth, as it appears in various world mythologies. In the context of Fascism, palingenesis is applied to "populist ultra-nationalism". Fascist movements tend to envision themselves as ushering in a "rebirth" of the nation, conceived of as an organic entity composed of people bound by ethnic kinship. This myth of rebirth, of the transition from the old and decrepit to the new and vibrant, carried out by the immortal living organism of the nation, is the core of Fascist ideology. Fascists in politics have taken any number of political stances to advance their pragmatic interests; even when those positions have flatly contradicted one another. But the running constant behind the political posturing is always the palingenetic myth. Uniquely among twentieth century ideologies, Fascism has proclaimed itself as an anti-rational and anti-materialist movement. It is a politics of the poetic intuition, and as such it stands in opposition to Marxism and liberalism, which concern themselves with the proper arrangement of powers through a rational judgment of mundane material interests. Fascist idealism sounds pseudo-religious in nature, but Griffin holds that as a thoroughly modernist ideology, Fascism lacks the truly transcendent properties of any traditional religion. The nation exists in the body of humanity, and its myth is enacted by and for humanity.
In Italy and Germany, the Fascist myth reached its efflorenscence with the First World War. Even before the war broke out, political radicals of all stripes saw the prospect of total war not as the fruitless calamity it would become in the eyes of future generations, but rather as an exciting opportunity for national renewal. The petty politics of the old regimes would be swept aside as entire nations mobilized for war and fought not for wealth or power, but for the glory of the nation, sealing the national bond with their blood. The soldiers who took part in the war would be seen by the Fascists as a type of vanguard class; a class untainted by partisanship and which served only the
nation as a mythical expression. The "trenchocracy", as Mussolini would call them, were taken to be inherently apolitical, and were thus the only ones capable of carrying out the total revolution envisioned by Fascist movements.
A majority of the texts in this reader are various expressions of the faith Fascist intellectuals had in the rebirth of their respective nations, and the decadence and corruption of the old order. Futurists, traditionalists, and syndicalists alike shared this concept, and their appearance here as apologists for Fascism is a testament to the nebulousness of the Fascist idea; and how that nebulousness was utilized to brew a lethal cocktail of anti-capitalist, anti-liberal, anti-democratic, anti-communist, and anti-semitic sentiment to form the most notorious political ideology in history.
January 28, 2009
This was the book that introduced me to Griffin's thesis of the Fascist Minimum: "Fascism is a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism." After defining those terms in the Introduction, the rest of the book consists of primary source documents that prove it. Newcomers to the debate may be surprised to learn that Griffin does not include Franco's Spain or "Islamo-fascism" under his definition, or that he does include texts by Julius Evola and Ernst Junger (today largely "rehabilitated" by intellectuals). Also here are introductions to Fascist writers from such under-studied examples as Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Ireland, South Africa, Chile, Brazil and Japan.
Outside of political science and to a lesser degree history, the word Fascism has largely become an ill-defined epithet for forces opposed to an equally ill-defined "freedom." To understand what it is that you advocate, it is necessary to understand what you oppose.
Outside of political science and to a lesser degree history, the word Fascism has largely become an ill-defined epithet for forces opposed to an equally ill-defined "freedom." To understand what it is that you advocate, it is necessary to understand what you oppose.
October 26, 2020
Роджер Ґрифін відомий своїми працями з досліджень фашизму The Nature of Fascism та Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler. Ця маленька книжечка одночасно і короткий вступ й короткий висновок його досліджень, вочевидь, призначена для студентів та таких ледачих читачів як я. Вона починається цитатою зі Сповіді Блаженного Августина: «Отже, що ж таке час? Коли ніхто не питає мене про це, я знаю, але як тільки йдеться про пояснення, я вже не знаю». Подібна проблема є й з визначенням фашизму, якщо ви брали участь у фейсбучних та твіттерських срачах, пояснювати це не має потреби. Ґрифін вважає, що об’єктивне визначення фашизму неможливе і його слід вживати як ідеальний тип у веберівському розумінні. Для його дослідження слід застосовувати емпатичний підхід, який суперечить як марксистському підходу з його зведенням фашизму до агента або знаряддя капіталізму, так і давній ліберальній тенденції бачити фашизм як щось фундаментально ірраціональне, нігілістичне та невизначене. Натомість він прагне зрозуміти його загалом в термінах, у яких фашисти самі розуміли свою політичну місію. Хоча складові ідеального типу в кожного дослідника можуть бути різні, та Ґрифін пропонує узагальнити його найбільш сталі елементи:
Ультранаціоналізм. Фашизм крайня форма націоналізму, що ґрунтується на утопічній візії нації як здорової, потужної та єдності яку фашисти намагаються втілити в життя шляхом насильницької або культурної революції. Це особлива форма «уявленої спільноти» за Андерсоном, яка не обов'язково збігається з історичною нацією або національною державою, як у випадку з «білою расою».
Віра в кризу, яка загрожує нації. Нація знаходиться у стані постійної екзистенційної загрози. Вона може пояснюватись широким колом факторів і зазвичай описується у термінах «кризи», «декадансу» або «виродження». У фашистському мисленні унікальні комбінації таких факторів спільно підривають згуртованість національної спільноти, героїчну концепцію ультранації та можливість досягнення трансцендентності завдяки національній приналежності.
Заклик до повного захоплення (політичної або культурної) влади. Прагнення до створення Нового Порядку що приведе до відродження та оновлення нації, розпочне нову добу національної величі, спираючись на приховані ресурси безсмертної та невидимої ультранації, заснованої на первісних, вічних цінностях.
Модерністське бачення фашистського Нового Порядку, яке охоплює елементи міфологізованого минулого. Новий Порядок, навіть у випадку футуристичного фашизму в Італії, черпає свою життєву силу з «корисного минулого» нації. Таким чином, помилково вважати, що фашистські пошуки вкоріненості та захоплення минулим є якимось реакційним чи антисучасним. Навпаки, фашизм - це динамічна, орієнтована на майбутнє ідеологія, яка розглядає себе як альтернатива декадентському сьогоденню.
Останній пункт здається мені найважливішим, бо часто не усвідомлюється. Ми за інерцією вважаємо праві ідеології консервативними, хоча фашизм це революційний рух, спрямований на побудову нового світу і нової людини. Це значною мірою наслідок марксистської критики фашизму, яка майже відразу затаврувала його реакційним рухом.
Ультранаціоналізм. Фашизм крайня форма націоналізму, що ґрунтується на утопічній візії нації як здорової, потужної та єдності яку фашисти намагаються втілити в життя шляхом насильницької або культурної революції. Це особлива форма «уявленої спільноти» за Андерсоном, яка не обов'язково збігається з історичною нацією або національною державою, як у випадку з «білою расою».
Віра в кризу, яка загрожує нації. Нація знаходиться у стані постійної екзистенційної загрози. Вона може пояснюватись широким колом факторів і зазвичай описується у термінах «кризи», «декадансу» або «виродження». У фашистському мисленні унікальні комбінації таких факторів спільно підривають згуртованість національної спільноти, героїчну концепцію ультранації та можливість досягнення трансцендентності завдяки національній приналежності.
Заклик до повного захоплення (політичної або культурної) влади. Прагнення до створення Нового Порядку що приведе до відродження та оновлення нації, розпочне нову добу національної величі, спираючись на приховані ресурси безсмертної та невидимої ультранації, заснованої на первісних, вічних цінностях.
Модерністське бачення фашистського Нового Порядку, яке охоплює елементи міфологізованого минулого. Новий Порядок, навіть у випадку футуристичного фашизму в Італії, черпає свою життєву силу з «корисного минулого» нації. Таким чином, помилково вважати, що фашистські пошуки вкоріненості та захоплення минулим є якимось реакційним чи антисучасним. Навпаки, фашизм - це динамічна, орієнтована на майбутнє ідеологія, яка розглядає себе як альтернатива декадентському сьогоденню.
Останній пункт здається мені найважливішим, бо часто не усвідомлюється. Ми за інерцією вважаємо праві ідеології консервативними, хоча фашизм це революційний рух, спрямований на побудову нового світу і нової людини. Це значною мірою наслідок марксистської критики фашизму, яка майже відразу затаврувала його реакційним рухом.
October 13, 2016
For those that are wanting a real and in depth understanding of fascism as it existed in its historical context via a neo-fascist point of view this is probably not the book to start with although it does give a general overview of variations of fascist thought, definitions, and classifications which shows the complications inherent in the attempts to arrive at a comprehensive and all inclusive categoration of what defines fascism as a political ideology. The compiler and commentator doesn't himself believe that there is any such thing as a "fascist doctrine" (which is so broad it can encompass a variety of multitudinous ideas) and argues that the core description of fascism is the idea of a society being reborn from a degenerative state, something he calls palingenetic ultra-nationalism. He also includes a few common motifs found in fascist literature and movements such as the conception of the nation-state as being organic and its ingroup/outgroup mentality.
Also annoying, but expected is the author's obligatory liberalism and hostile condemnatory attitude toward fascism permeating throughout the book. He condemns fascism and all the ideas associated with it (ultra-nationalism, the belief that Europeans, Western Civilization, and white people have collective interests and a "right" to exist-which is a "right" and viewpoint that is not only unquestionably accepted when applied to non-Western and non-white cultures and peoples, but even considered morally wrong to reject when applied to them-and ridicule toward notions such as the European New Right's argument that the modern world's pathological obsession with breaking down racial and cultural barriers and all becoming one uniform mass of consumers with no essential racial differentiation between them is actually inherently contradictory to their religious devotion to "diversity" and "differences") claiming it is a utopian fantasy still endangering society while never questioning the "non-utopian" ideal of the sexless, multi-cultural, multi-racial, "everyone is the same and interchangeable," biology-less liberal society that he advocates.
Ultimately, the main thing in this book that I found useful are the selections from fascist thinkers who I hadn't heard of before so that I can now go find and read the primary source from which they were quoted from.
This anthology is also a good representation of the very mediocre quality of fascist scholarship.
Also annoying, but expected is the author's obligatory liberalism and hostile condemnatory attitude toward fascism permeating throughout the book. He condemns fascism and all the ideas associated with it (ultra-nationalism, the belief that Europeans, Western Civilization, and white people have collective interests and a "right" to exist-which is a "right" and viewpoint that is not only unquestionably accepted when applied to non-Western and non-white cultures and peoples, but even considered morally wrong to reject when applied to them-and ridicule toward notions such as the European New Right's argument that the modern world's pathological obsession with breaking down racial and cultural barriers and all becoming one uniform mass of consumers with no essential racial differentiation between them is actually inherently contradictory to their religious devotion to "diversity" and "differences") claiming it is a utopian fantasy still endangering society while never questioning the "non-utopian" ideal of the sexless, multi-cultural, multi-racial, "everyone is the same and interchangeable," biology-less liberal society that he advocates.
Ultimately, the main thing in this book that I found useful are the selections from fascist thinkers who I hadn't heard of before so that I can now go find and read the primary source from which they were quoted from.
This anthology is also a good representation of the very mediocre quality of fascist scholarship.
January 4, 2009
This book is FASCINATING. I read it for a class on fascism I took in college - it's a compilation of excerpts of texts written by various fascists and representing the various forms of fascism as it has manifested itself in different geographical locations. It gets right to the heart of fascism at its best, complete with some REALLY crazy stuff preached by some fairly eccentric people in their very own words(three cheers for primary docs). My jaw dropped several times while reading.
March 2, 2023
Es un libro bastante académico, dirigido a aquellos que van a realizar investigaciones sobre el fascismo (los dos primeros capítulos, por ejemplo, son una revisión de la literatura bastante exhausta desde los años veinte). Por lo tanto, no lo recomiendo como lectura al público general.
Aún así, diría que el enfoque del fascismo genérico como "ultranacionalismo palingenesico" es bastante útil y fecundo a la hora de cartografiar el fenómeno e iniciar investigaciones, sobre todo respecto al análisis de las ideologías. Eso no quita, sin embargo, que me parezca muy reduccionista su definición y que deje en un segundo plano la violencia política como elemento clave de la ideología fascista.
Aún así, diría que el enfoque del fascismo genérico como "ultranacionalismo palingenesico" es bastante útil y fecundo a la hora de cartografiar el fenómeno e iniciar investigaciones, sobre todo respecto al análisis de las ideologías. Eso no quita, sin embargo, que me parezca muy reduccionista su definición y que deje en un segundo plano la violencia política como elemento clave de la ideología fascista.
November 25, 2024
very helpful. also boring
October 18, 2020
There are two excellent points to be made about this book. First, it offers insightful critiques of both Marxist and liberal attempts to define fascism. Second, it offers a compelling definition of Italian Fascism (upper case F) and generic fascism (lower case f) as well as methodological tools for a deeper understanding of the concept.
August 27, 2020
This isn't a casual reading book, but more along the lines of serious academic research. Honestly, it felt like an extension of my MA, which was fine. I appreciated the academic approach to this topic and wanted something that covered the history and scope of fascism. Overall, it was a good, academic read. Entertaining? It's not a light read, but important.
March 30, 2022
This is a very difficult book to read and not because of the subject matter. It is not a popular history but the work of a scholar for mostly other scholars. While covering much ground in trying to explore what fascism is, and it’s not a simple set of definitions as fascism was and is adaptable to separate cultural backgrounds and current requirements, it is not an ideology, it is a method. Two themes are returned to all throughout the book. First, one comes to realize (if one hasn’t already by living life today) that the salient point of fascism is palingenesis and palingenetic myths, the rebirth of the ultra-nation based on a fake heroic past, otherwise known as lies, Today in the US we have MAGA, in Russia there is the similar gibberish emanating from the Kremlin. This imagined re-birth is essentially the core belief, nebulous as it is, it’s most of what fascism is. Second is the use of empathetic paradigm to understand fascism through a historical & cultural lens and not just arguing definitions, because like all major human endeavors it is not simple. This is not the same as the current popular battle to not interpret history using today’s culture or personal point of view but goes further and attempts to actually understand (though not necessarily approve) historical motivations as they were to the leaders and little people fascists, seems obvious but can often be a duh moment. Read at your peril for it will throw you around.
June 9, 2022
Nombrar las cosas de manera correcta es el primer paso para hablar sobre ellas de manera precisa. Esa la premisa sobre la que se basa este libro de Roger Griffin, en el que se reconoce que hoy en día abusamos de la palabra fascismo para nombrar aquello que realmente no nos gusta o nos parece antidemocrático.
Este catedrático de Historia Moderna indaga en las raíces del propio concepto de fascismo (y todas sus variantes hasta el neofascismo) en busca de algunas características que nos permitan saber qué es fascismo y qué no.
Entre esos rasgos definitorios estarían:
a) Es una forma política en cuya esencia mítica está una forma palingenésica (es decir, de renacimiento) de un ultranacionalismo populista.
b) Sus mitos son una mezcla de historia, cultura y fantasía colectiva, que a veces se viven por medio de una lengua nacional propia.
c) Los fascismos modernos, a pesar de ese apego al terruño, tienen un ansía de internacionalización, lo que les lleva a reuniones con otros fascismos mundiales, con la idea de hacerse grandes y poderosos.
d) Rechaza ideas liberales de ciudadanía, multiculturalismo y la igualdad de derechos humanos como la base de la sociedad.
e) Consideran que existe una decadencia moral provocada por la homosexualidad, el feminismo, los matrimonios mixtos, el comunismo y, añado yo, el animalismo, los sindicatos y las ONG.
De acuerdo con esos criterios, ¿es fascista el PP? No.
¿Es fascista Vox? Sí, definitivamente. Cumple todos y cada uno de los puntos.
Este catedrático de Historia Moderna indaga en las raíces del propio concepto de fascismo (y todas sus variantes hasta el neofascismo) en busca de algunas características que nos permitan saber qué es fascismo y qué no.
Entre esos rasgos definitorios estarían:
a) Es una forma política en cuya esencia mítica está una forma palingenésica (es decir, de renacimiento) de un ultranacionalismo populista.
b) Sus mitos son una mezcla de historia, cultura y fantasía colectiva, que a veces se viven por medio de una lengua nacional propia.
c) Los fascismos modernos, a pesar de ese apego al terruño, tienen un ansía de internacionalización, lo que les lleva a reuniones con otros fascismos mundiales, con la idea de hacerse grandes y poderosos.
d) Rechaza ideas liberales de ciudadanía, multiculturalismo y la igualdad de derechos humanos como la base de la sociedad.
e) Consideran que existe una decadencia moral provocada por la homosexualidad, el feminismo, los matrimonios mixtos, el comunismo y, añado yo, el animalismo, los sindicatos y las ONG.
De acuerdo con esos criterios, ¿es fascista el PP? No.
¿Es fascista Vox? Sí, definitivamente. Cumple todos y cada uno de los puntos.
October 14, 2023
Not a history of Fascism, but a theory of it that allows flexibility when considering “classic” fascism of the 20s and 30s and the new-fascism of today. Excellent explanation on the differences between fascism and right-wing populism, something to keep in mind when one is tempted to call every right-wing reaction as “fascist”. Also, I appreciated the examination of how fascists in the past would be kept in line by leaders and that followers would attend meetings and as such be on roughly the same page. Conversely, now, Griffin contends that neo-fascism is private, kept to lone wolves who develop their own theories online without regard for reality and thus have no checks placed on them by fellow travellers. This is very insightful.
I take away one star because there was no discussion about the role of democracy in fascism, or how fascists view democracy and their ways to overcome it. This is a key discussion that needs to happen in light of populist and fascist forces arising today. Griffin contends that populists are democratic and fascists are not, which is fine, but much more needed to be unpacked.
I take away one star because there was no discussion about the role of democracy in fascism, or how fascists view democracy and their ways to overcome it. This is a key discussion that needs to happen in light of populist and fascist forces arising today. Griffin contends that populists are democratic and fascists are not, which is fine, but much more needed to be unpacked.
March 24, 2025
La obra resulta especialmente relevante para el análisis de los movimientos fascistas del periodo de entreguerras en el siglo XX, ya que permite explorar las condiciones internas que posibilitaron su emergencia y consolidación. A través de lo que el autor denomina empatía metodológica, se propone una aproximación interpretativa que busca comprender los marcos de significado y las coyunturas ideológicas desde la perspectiva de los propios militantes, sin reducir la explicación a las tradicionales lecturas marxistas o liberales, que también son analizadas y críticamente discutidas en el texto. Este enfoque no solo permite captar la racionalidad interna de dichos movimientos, sino que también sirve de base para la construcción de un concepto general de fascismo en tanto tipo ideal. Esta formulación —más analítica que normativa— dota al concepto de una utilidad heurística significativa para el estudio de procesos sociohistóricos complejos, al ofrecer una herramienta flexible pero estructurada para la comparación entre contextos distintos.
May 29, 2012
This was a bit like an annotated bibliography with samples. I understood his reason for choosing to include many short excerpts rather than fewer longer examples of fascist discourse, but I found it hard to buy his argument about the "mythic core" of fascism based on such edited selections. I also found the long introductions to each text quite interesting, but again, I was frustrated by the shortness of the examples he gave. The historical organization is good, and the breadth of coverage is remarkable. I was glad he included a section of anti-fascist works from the 1930s-1960s, including Willhelm Reich. The excerpt from Primo Levi at the end was great. It's definitely a valuable resource for people doing research on the history of fascism, anti-fascism, /or other far-right political movements.
October 13, 2022
Most of the book is the author trying to find a way to separate fascism from other right-wing extremist ideologies. The author does finally give a definition over 50 pages in and an actual description in his conclusion. And sadly, in an attempt to be more readable it jumps between being an accessible introduction and a niche academic text.
January 30, 2008
if someone had told me that they were doing a book on fascism which would consist of quotes by various fascists, i'd have told them to not bother, but to his great credit Griffin has compiled one of the best resources i have come across to understand fascism as a body of ideas.
September 29, 2011
read a lot of excerpts from guys talking about how cool fascism is
October 5, 2025
Es un libro bastante académico y que va dirigido principalmente para estudiantes. El autor hace un excelente trabajo exponiendo la complejidad de definir qué es el fascismo. Porque realmente, ¿qué es el fascismo? Parece que ningún autor ni experto se logra poner de acuerdo para encontrar una definición definitiva y exclusiva de este movimiento. Según el autor, solamente han existido tres gobiernos con todas las de haber para ser clasificados como realmente fascistas: la Italia de Mussolini, la Alemania Nazi y la Ustasha Croata. Aunque, por supuesto, esto no significa que otros movimientos hayan presentado tintes fascistas, como la España de Franco.
Concuerdo con el autor en que es realmente importante estudiar este movimiento y saber detectar qué organizaciones contemporáneas intentan ser una especie de neo-fascismo o nazismo y detenerlas antes de que hagan daño. Pero a ver, que al mismo tiempo, como también expresa el autor, es importante que cese el abuso que se le da al término para señalar a todo el que no piense como uno. Esto es algo de lo que realmente abusa la izquierda, donde no distingue ni reconoce a nada más que al fascismo, nazismo y ultraderecha. No todo lo que no concuerda con la izquierda es fascista ni ultraderechista. E, irónicamente, siempre ha estado presente este señalamiento por parte de la izquierda, como en la URSS, donde distintas facciones comunistas rivales se nombraban fascistas entre ellas.
Algo que realmente me pareció interesante de la lectura fue lo siguiente: «Aun así, es importante que no infiramos de esto que el fascismo es inherentemente racista desde un punto de vista biológico o genético. Cierto es que cualquier concepto orgánico de nación es intrínsecamente racista por la forma en que tiende a tratar las etnias o nacionalidades como entes singulares e idealizados que están amenazados por el mestizaje, la migración masiva, el cosmopolitismo, el materialismo, el individualismo o la absorción en organismos internacionales. Sin embargo, la ultra-nación del imaginario político fascista no es necesariamente racista en términos biológicos, pseudo-científicos o eugenésicos».
En México lo ves, simpatizantes y propagandistas de MORENA llaman «fachos» a todo mundo; en las redes sociales, donde se hacen campañas para explicarte cómo es que un anuncio de jeans de American Eagle donde aparece Sydney Sweeney es una alegoría al fascimo (háganme el favor ¡ja, ja, ja!). Podemos admitir que el Estado de Israel comete crímenes de guerra y masacres, e incluso genocidio, sin necesidad de decir que son nazis. Podemos identificar medidas autoritarias que toman ciertos gobiernos por silenciar a la prensa o coartar la libertad de expresión sin necesidad de forzar la definición de fascistas sobre ellos.
Aprendamos a identificar las injusticias, medidas autoritarias y a los movimientos peligrosos, sin la necesidad de abusar del término histórico del fascismo.
Concuerdo con el autor en que es realmente importante estudiar este movimiento y saber detectar qué organizaciones contemporáneas intentan ser una especie de neo-fascismo o nazismo y detenerlas antes de que hagan daño. Pero a ver, que al mismo tiempo, como también expresa el autor, es importante que cese el abuso que se le da al término para señalar a todo el que no piense como uno. Esto es algo de lo que realmente abusa la izquierda, donde no distingue ni reconoce a nada más que al fascismo, nazismo y ultraderecha. No todo lo que no concuerda con la izquierda es fascista ni ultraderechista. E, irónicamente, siempre ha estado presente este señalamiento por parte de la izquierda, como en la URSS, donde distintas facciones comunistas rivales se nombraban fascistas entre ellas.
Algo que realmente me pareció interesante de la lectura fue lo siguiente: «Aun así, es importante que no infiramos de esto que el fascismo es inherentemente racista desde un punto de vista biológico o genético. Cierto es que cualquier concepto orgánico de nación es intrínsecamente racista por la forma en que tiende a tratar las etnias o nacionalidades como entes singulares e idealizados que están amenazados por el mestizaje, la migración masiva, el cosmopolitismo, el materialismo, el individualismo o la absorción en organismos internacionales. Sin embargo, la ultra-nación del imaginario político fascista no es necesariamente racista en términos biológicos, pseudo-científicos o eugenésicos».
En México lo ves, simpatizantes y propagandistas de MORENA llaman «fachos» a todo mundo; en las redes sociales, donde se hacen campañas para explicarte cómo es que un anuncio de jeans de American Eagle donde aparece Sydney Sweeney es una alegoría al fascimo (háganme el favor ¡ja, ja, ja!). Podemos admitir que el Estado de Israel comete crímenes de guerra y masacres, e incluso genocidio, sin necesidad de decir que son nazis. Podemos identificar medidas autoritarias que toman ciertos gobiernos por silenciar a la prensa o coartar la libertad de expresión sin necesidad de forzar la definición de fascistas sobre ellos.
Aprendamos a identificar las injusticias, medidas autoritarias y a los movimientos peligrosos, sin la necesidad de abusar del término histórico del fascismo.
Read
January 20, 2025Most of the book consists of brief excerpts from primary sources of fascist literature (written by fascists themselves). These clips are of value to a historian looking to analyze primary documents in his/her study, but are of little value to a layperson. However, Part IV: Theories of Fascism provides a solid breadth of scholarly analyses of fascism, all organized according to different schools of thought (supporters, Marxist critiques, democratic critiques, etc.) and different chronological periods (interwar, during war, post war). Critiques/ analyses the reader finds interesting point the way to additional reading, and the way the book organizes them offers the reader a framework for classifying critiques of fascism external to the text. The intro is also solid because it perhaps correctly identifies the ideological underpinning of fascist political programs as the notion that nations experience lifecycles involving birth/decay/renewal, etc. This is a source specific interpretation. Many other books on fascism claim that it has no coherent underlying political ideology.
April 4, 2025
"Fascismo" ha sido (y sigue siendo) un significante distorsionado, malinterpretado e incluso malogrado, a menudo reducido a meros bosquejos ideológicos y/o políticos manoseados. Mosse, Gentile o Griffin han sido conscientes de ello, logrando insuflarle un valor útil, pedagogico e iluminador. Es por ello que este opúsculo, pese a su simplicidad, no es un ensayo más, sino la piedra angular que todo estudiante, docente o historiador debe asumir actualmente para cimentar una comprensión verdadera y didáctica de lo que fue (y es) este peligroso y extraño fenómeno contemporáneo. Una vez leído, embarcarse en la lectura y estudio de la monumental "Modernidad y fascismo" del mismo autor (Roger Griffin) aporta todo el sabor y aroma para un entendimiento antropológico, cultural, filosófico e ideológico del fascismo.
Y es que, el significado del fascismo, escamoteado o fantaseado a partir de las interpretaciones "ideológicas" del marxismo y liberalismo, demandaba urgentemente un nuevo PARADIGMA, dado que los "grandes" ensayos de Gramsci o Laclau, Arendt o Fromm, Horkheimer o Herf sólo pincelaban nociones parciales (aun importantes). Los libros de texto de instituto siguen, de hecho, embarrancados en perspectivas anamórficas, muy parciales e historicistas, que no hacen sino seguir el juego a la adjetivación superficial que el periodismo y la política siguen haciendo del término "fascismo".
Es por ello, que la revolución paradigmática de los estudios del fascismo, a partir de los años 90 (y del que es un maravillo síntoma la creación internacional de estudios comparados sobre ela temática) es un hito académico que todavía debe escanciarse y divulgarse por todos los sectores culturales.
Y es que, el significado del fascismo, escamoteado o fantaseado a partir de las interpretaciones "ideológicas" del marxismo y liberalismo, demandaba urgentemente un nuevo PARADIGMA, dado que los "grandes" ensayos de Gramsci o Laclau, Arendt o Fromm, Horkheimer o Herf sólo pincelaban nociones parciales (aun importantes). Los libros de texto de instituto siguen, de hecho, embarrancados en perspectivas anamórficas, muy parciales e historicistas, que no hacen sino seguir el juego a la adjetivación superficial que el periodismo y la política siguen haciendo del término "fascismo".
Es por ello, que la revolución paradigmática de los estudios del fascismo, a partir de los años 90 (y del que es un maravillo síntoma la creación internacional de estudios comparados sobre ela temática) es un hito académico que todavía debe escanciarse y divulgarse por todos los sectores culturales.
March 11, 2025
Read for a history class, and it's exactly what it sounds like. Griffin gives a relatively well-rounded understanding of fascism, from its creation to present. I don't think that Griffin's definition of 'facism' is exact, but this was helpful when used in conversation with additional primary and secondary readings, and I can acknowledge that given the recent political state of the world, and specifically the US, our understanding of fascism is ever changing.
August 27, 2020
This isn't a casual reading book, but more along the lines of serious academic research. Honestly, it felt like an extension of my MA, which was fine. I appreciated the academic approach to this topic and wanted something that covered the history and scope of fascism. Overall, it was a good, academic read. Entertaining? It's not a light read, but important.
March 19, 2018
Reviewing the 2o18 edition. The essential introductory book on fascism - clear, comprehensive, in-depth but not exhausting. Simple explanations of sometimes rather complicated theories. This is the first book you should read before you start research on anything related to fascism.
February 22, 2024
The writing is really good -
it keeps your attention,
isn't boring, and
hardly shows any bias.
I totally recommend it!
it keeps your attention,
isn't boring, and
hardly shows any bias.
I totally recommend it!
August 9, 2024
4.5
Exceptional introductory essay. Very helpful.
Exceptional introductory essay. Very helpful.
August 1, 2023
I went in expecting some liberal, confused and nonsensical definition and explanation to the general question that is fascism but Roger Griffin actually explores every ''generic'' aspect of interwar and modern fascism in an interesting and thoughtful that makes this whole book not only engaging but pleasant.
It explains and understand the bias that has plagued fascism studies for more than 60 years and uses empathy to synthesize a productive view and also provides a concrete frame to explore this burgeoning field by yourself and draw your own conclusions while learning about established facts of history. I really enjoyed the palingenetic ultranationalist definition that not only rings true but helps to build a personal and deeper understand of the essence of fascism
Despite this guy being a liberal i feel like this is a must read for anyone wanting to change the modern nationalist scene and assimilate fascist wisdom from ages past.
Basically? its kino
the 5th chapter is really sad tho
It explains and understand the bias that has plagued fascism studies for more than 60 years and uses empathy to synthesize a productive view and also provides a concrete frame to explore this burgeoning field by yourself and draw your own conclusions while learning about established facts of history. I really enjoyed the palingenetic ultranationalist definition that not only rings true but helps to build a personal and deeper understand of the essence of fascism
Despite this guy being a liberal i feel like this is a must read for anyone wanting to change the modern nationalist scene and assimilate fascist wisdom from ages past.
Basically? its kino
the 5th chapter is really sad tho
July 12, 2012
Fascism is probably one of the most poorly understood ideologies, despite the enormous impact it had on the 20th century. Griffin has created a work which has contained the writings of dozens of various fascist movements across the globe, in which the fascists describe their ideals themselves.
Griffin purposefully excludes writings from the Nazi party (which has its own book dedicated to it), and instead contains those of Italian Fascism, the Romanian Iron Guard, and the Croatian Ustache for example. Griffin is widely considered to be an authoritative source in the field, yet he does a good job in letting the works stand by themselves without intensive subjective editorials. Griffin does a great job in approaching the subject from a fresh approach in an emotionally intense debate. I would recommend this to anyone who wants to gain insight in the ideology and intellectual current of fascism, a movement whose impact is still felt in the world we live in today.
Griffin purposefully excludes writings from the Nazi party (which has its own book dedicated to it), and instead contains those of Italian Fascism, the Romanian Iron Guard, and the Croatian Ustache for example. Griffin is widely considered to be an authoritative source in the field, yet he does a good job in letting the works stand by themselves without intensive subjective editorials. Griffin does a great job in approaching the subject from a fresh approach in an emotionally intense debate. I would recommend this to anyone who wants to gain insight in the ideology and intellectual current of fascism, a movement whose impact is still felt in the world we live in today.
April 7, 2010
This book was an interesting collection of primary source documents (introduced in *very* dull segments) that all have something to do with fascism. The author states that collecting together fascist documents has never been done before (probably due to the unpopularity of the topic) and so I see a definite value to this book. The low rating I gave the book has simply to do with the fact that I have discovered I really don't care about the history of fascism -- so the primary source documents are stiflingly dull to me. If you're fascinated by fascism, this book will be an invaluable resource to you.
November 16, 2022
Fantastic examination of fascism as a concept, and the working definition it provides ("palingenetic ultranationalism") does an excellent job at aligning the seemingly-disparate details of these movements into something cohesive. Essential reading for anyone with even a cursory interest in the subject.
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