When first published in 1980, The Declining Significance of Race immediately sparked controversy with its contentious thesis that race was becoming less of a deciding factor in the life chances of black Americans than class.
William Julius Wilson is an American sociologist, a professor at Harvard University, and an author of works on urban sociology, race, and class issues. Laureate of the National Medal of Science, he served as the 80th President of the American Sociological Association, was a member of numerous national boards and commissions. He identified the importance of neighborhood effects and demonstrated how limited employment opportunities and weakened institutional resources exacerbated poverty within American inner-city neighborhoods.
This book started it all in a sense, as it defined the dialogue around urban poverty and pathology, especially of the African-American variety, for much of the decade of the 1980s. And with good reason, it is well documented and argued, though now a number of its conclusions have become articles of faith while others have been proven wrong by time (though less often by other scholars). The intriguing thing about the book is that it fueled the political right, who seized on half of its message that race was becoming less of a barrier than it had been historically in America. Most of this persuasion conveniently avoided its tandem assertion that there were still significant areas of our society where race and racism were, if no longer dominant, largely determinative. That's what makes this book such a valuable contribution, that it began (or, perhaps more accurately put, re-energized) and continues to influence a dialogue that continues to this day. A classic in the field that remains well worth reading today.
Well-written. While I agree with Wilson in his argument that the forces of class and race intersect to create a black underclass, I push back on his idea that racism is tied to economic motives. Racism is not only tied to structural causes, but also in the psyche and culture.
Excellent book that presents a well-thought out argument.
I'm changing the rating for this to a "5", based on several conversations I've had. The debate on race and class in America today sometimes focuses on the social and cultural aspects, at the expense of the economic ones. As Wilson's book clearly demonstrates, however, the economic conditions for many African-Americans have actually worsened, even since the civil rights movement. That Wilson's book remains extremely relevant, more than 30 years after it was first published, indicates just how little has really been done to address one of the root causes of inequality in America.
The title is unnecessarily polemical. The basic argument that many programs designed to address racial inequality are insufficient for helping the Black underclass is both an important point and one that I think is relatively uncontroversial. But to somehow get from there to say race's significance is declining relies on some really oddly specific definitions of "race," "significance," and "declining." I also think the author could have cleared some things up if he was more willing to reveal his economic philosophy (the writing in general gets very opaque at times, which doesn't help anything). If he wrote this same book but framed it as a Black Marxist critique of liberal solutions to racial capitalism, it would be a 5/5. So the 2 stars is a bit harsh but ultimately reflects the book's inability to communicate its ideas clearly and succinctly than anything else. If you have patience (and read the 3rd edition where he adds clarity to the conclusion) then you can still get something valuable from this project.
I skimmed (skipped) a few sections, but the book is pretty repetitive anyway, so I'm counting it as read (lord knows I read enough chapters and articles that I don't get to log to deserve fudging a little).
This is one of those books that everyone talks about but I don't think a lot of people read. It's also very easy to caricature, in part bc of the title and the brouhaha it prompted. It's also very dense and dry, so I'm not surprised that a ton of people haven't read it.
But, the argument is interesting. WJW argues that for most of American history, race and class discrimination against African-Americans were deeply intertwined. Even after slavery, the vast majority were systematically excluded from anything but the bottom rungs of the labor market. This is WJW's method, btw: race relations/hierarchies are shaped largely by A. the nature of the state as an official enforcer of racial discrimination. 2. The structure of the economy, especially the labor market.
This started to change in the mid-20th century, when the rise of unions, the peak of American industrial production, the Great Migration, and the New Deal all created opportunities for the formation of a black working and middle class. The Civil Rights movement, which WJW sees as a mainly middle-class movement, then stripped away most of the official state racial discrimination/segregation, although other forms certainly endured.
In the 60s and 70s, affirmative action, the expansion of govt programs, and other forces increased the formation of a black middle class, but at the same time other economic forces, especially de-industrialization of urban cores, further undermined the black working and "underclass," giving rise to the problems of the modern ghetto (WJW's terminology). In other words, a decent sized minority of blacks rode the escalator up to middle class status while a larger pool stagnated in urban cores with erratic employment and, because of white flight, fewer resources.
This is where WJW arrives at his thesis: the black community in the US, by the late 1970s, was suffering more from class problems than race problems. He fully acknowledges that the existence of the black underclass is a product of racist historical forces. But, he says that the plight of modern African-Americans was not necessarily different from the growing white underclass in deindustrializing areas, where a lot of the same social pathologies and anomie emerges (something which was starting when WJW wrote this but has now accelerated). They had both had the economic legs cut out from under their feet and struggled to create stable social and economic lives as a result.
Consequently, WJW argues, affirmative action programs are insufficient for dealing with these problems. They are mainly a benefit to black people who already have the means to apply for colleges and middle-class jobs. Instead, he recommends a broadly based, largely colorblind assault on poverty, funding of schools and job programs, and construction of welfare programs. It's kind of interesting that WJW reasons his way to a very progressive conclusion from premises that conservatives might find appealing, but that's part of what makes the book interesting.
Still, I think there are flaws in this rather grand narrative. The CRM wasn't just a middle-class movement for integration; it was in large part a poor people's movement that sought jobs and economic equality too. Also, the black middle class still suffered from systemtic racism; just look at the gap in home prices between black/white owned properties or the discrimination that still goes on in renting. Lastly, I think WJW downplays continuing police violence and white backlash and other forms of racial inequality that prevented a more egalitarian society from emerging.
Nonetheless, this is a useful book for thinking about the relationship of race, labor, and economics. It's hard for me to recommend, though, bc it is so freaking dense and dull (thankfully it is short).
While I didn't find this book as compelling as the first one of his I read (Truly disadvantaged), it wasn't until I got to the conclusion that I appreciated the book. The follow up book (Truly disadvantaged) was in response to the criticism of this book. In fact, the conclusion was essentially expanded into book form. Thus, I didn't really "get the book" until I got the conclusion. It seemed like most of the chapters was about how racism very prevalent and enacted by law and since those factors don't exist anymore, race isn't a significant factor anymore. It certainly seems to me that was more on my not getting it that I missed the point since many people have criticized for dismissing race.
The biggest takeaway is that CLASS has more an impact than race on one's upward mobility. He has some statistics that back that statement up. And it makes sense.
My main takeaway from this book was that the ultimate goal of the capitalist class is to maximize profits... Therefore, they will promote racial divisions in order to 1) suppress workers’ demands for increased wages, and 2) weaken their bargaining power.