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The Rise of David Duke
Recounts the life and political career of Nazi sympathizer and former KKK grand wizard David Duke, and discusses what his emergence reveals about American race relations
308 pages, Hardcover
First published June 1, 1994
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
August 21, 2017
First, I should admit it took me years to read this book because I misinterpreted the title. Once I found it was written by Tyler Bridges, I was in.
Great analysis by a very talented reporter. Bridges' account matches the person I thought Duke was in the 1990s: a super intelligent fella but one who tried to build a public career by burning bridges. Bridges' account of his family life, I think, played a significant role in who he became as an adult.
Duke, I think, was way ahead of his time. Had he been time-warped 20 years into the future, he might have been more successful politically. He then could have transitioned into a nice-paying gig at Fox News.
Great analysis by a very talented reporter. Bridges' account matches the person I thought Duke was in the 1990s: a super intelligent fella but one who tried to build a public career by burning bridges. Bridges' account of his family life, I think, played a significant role in who he became as an adult.
Duke, I think, was way ahead of his time. Had he been time-warped 20 years into the future, he might have been more successful politically. He then could have transitioned into a nice-paying gig at Fox News.
April 30, 2020
It's horrifying how timely this book felt, but that makes it an even more important read. I always knew David Duke was one of this country's most hateful racists and anti-Semites. However, Bridges details just how bad the guy is. Not only did Duke partake in a massive grift his whole life (even writing a sex tip book as a "female author"), but he also advanced genuinely Nazi beliefs even after claiming to have renounced them. The extent of his bigotry is frankly astounding, making it all the more surprising that at various junctures in the 1991 race, he actually seemed close to winning. Bridges' writing style is captivating. So much so that I would have appreciated some more detail on 1991.
Anyway, Bridges' most important insights follow from how prominent Duke became. The author shows how repeatedly, opposing politicians tried to ignore Duke to little avail. And even when they attacked him, putting out elements of his background that would be unsavory to his own base, that base rallied around him. At times, people dismissed his Nazi and KKK backgrounds! The cultlike intensity of his supporters and his relative electoral success demonstrate that fascism might find a ready base in America. Duke's support, as Bridges notes, was heavily White working-class and intensely angry at a political establishment. Otherwise regular folks had racism simmering below the surface that Duke brought out. Bridges smartly ties this to Middle American Radicalism (which he cites Kevin Phillips for while its originator is actually Don Warren; it was popularized by Sam Francis, who's probably a friend of Duke). Indeed, that's the core demographic for an illiberal populist movement in America, as it was then.
We have revisited this discussion in recent years. While I don't conceive of our current President as fascist, there's no question that Duke's 'restrained' political platforms, which focused on "America first", welfare reform, tax cuts, ending affirmative action, and securing the border find parallels in modern-day right-wing populism. Bridges also points out how Duke's bills, while watered down by that time, had a higher House passage rate over time. Politicians like Pat Buchanan and even more "moderate" Republicans capitalized on his rhetoric. Duke's presence and media savvy led to the adoption of his framing by mainstream politicians. This is the harm of allowing authoritarians an unanswered voice--their talking points fold into the political mainstream and influence policy.
In 1991, as Duke faced off against Edwards, it took an all-out business assault, an economic line of attack, a barrage of advertising, an intense debate question, Edwin Edwards' clever quips, and most importantly a surge in Black turnout, to defeat the Bayou Nazi. Looking at the trajectory of Duke's career, you wouldn't have expected this from such a virulent extremist and obvious grifter. But that's the danger of the far-right, and why we need everybody to stand up to authoritarian bigots and their ilk. Duke is still around. He endorsed Donald Trump in 2016, which Trump curiously evaded denouncing for a while. In 2016, Duke ran once again for Senate, still collecting nearly 60,000 votes and 3%. That's not insignificant, considering he's continued to promote far-right Nazi theories in recent years, the ones he dishonestly claimed to drop in the early 1990s. While Duke himself lost popularity, the ascendance of the alt-right shows that maybe his movement stuck around. Instead of the bayous of Louisiana, it finds life today in the torches of Charlottesville, the forums filled with hatred online, and the minds of advisors scarily close to the President.
Anyway, Bridges' most important insights follow from how prominent Duke became. The author shows how repeatedly, opposing politicians tried to ignore Duke to little avail. And even when they attacked him, putting out elements of his background that would be unsavory to his own base, that base rallied around him. At times, people dismissed his Nazi and KKK backgrounds! The cultlike intensity of his supporters and his relative electoral success demonstrate that fascism might find a ready base in America. Duke's support, as Bridges notes, was heavily White working-class and intensely angry at a political establishment. Otherwise regular folks had racism simmering below the surface that Duke brought out. Bridges smartly ties this to Middle American Radicalism (which he cites Kevin Phillips for while its originator is actually Don Warren; it was popularized by Sam Francis, who's probably a friend of Duke). Indeed, that's the core demographic for an illiberal populist movement in America, as it was then.
We have revisited this discussion in recent years. While I don't conceive of our current President as fascist, there's no question that Duke's 'restrained' political platforms, which focused on "America first", welfare reform, tax cuts, ending affirmative action, and securing the border find parallels in modern-day right-wing populism. Bridges also points out how Duke's bills, while watered down by that time, had a higher House passage rate over time. Politicians like Pat Buchanan and even more "moderate" Republicans capitalized on his rhetoric. Duke's presence and media savvy led to the adoption of his framing by mainstream politicians. This is the harm of allowing authoritarians an unanswered voice--their talking points fold into the political mainstream and influence policy.
In 1991, as Duke faced off against Edwards, it took an all-out business assault, an economic line of attack, a barrage of advertising, an intense debate question, Edwin Edwards' clever quips, and most importantly a surge in Black turnout, to defeat the Bayou Nazi. Looking at the trajectory of Duke's career, you wouldn't have expected this from such a virulent extremist and obvious grifter. But that's the danger of the far-right, and why we need everybody to stand up to authoritarian bigots and their ilk. Duke is still around. He endorsed Donald Trump in 2016, which Trump curiously evaded denouncing for a while. In 2016, Duke ran once again for Senate, still collecting nearly 60,000 votes and 3%. That's not insignificant, considering he's continued to promote far-right Nazi theories in recent years, the ones he dishonestly claimed to drop in the early 1990s. While Duke himself lost popularity, the ascendance of the alt-right shows that maybe his movement stuck around. Instead of the bayous of Louisiana, it finds life today in the torches of Charlottesville, the forums filled with hatred online, and the minds of advisors scarily close to the President.
August 2, 2026
Bought this at a used bookstore in Denham Springs. Recognized Bridges’ name from “Long Shot,” a book I particularly enjoyed. This book is older, and Bridges could’ve probably used some tighter editing here, but the information about David Duke’s rise in Louisiana politics made this enough of a page turner. I’d argue the movement Duke assumed he’d lead has morphed into the “silent majority” that propelled the MAGA movement, and although Duke’s Naziism and Klan activities were too much for voters (in most cases), a watered-down version of his arguments are now mainstays in American politics.
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews