"Silly," "stupid," "irrational," "simple." "Wicked," "hateful," "obstinate," "anti-social." "Extravagant," "perverse." The Roman world rendered harsh judgments upon early Christianity including branding Christianity "new." Novelty was no Roman religious virtue.
Nevertheless, as Larry W. Hurtado shows in "Destroyer of the gods," Christianity thrived despite its new and distinctive features and opposition to them. Unlike nearly all other religious groups, Christianity utterly rejected the traditional gods of the Roman world. Christianity also offered a new and different kind of religious identity, one not based on ethnicity. Christianity was distinctively a "bookish" religion, with the production, copying, distribution, and reading of texts as central to its faith, even preferring a distinctive book-form, the codex. Christianity insisted that its adherents behave differently: unlike the simple ritual observances characteristic of the pagan religious environment, embracing Christian faith meant a behavioral transformation, with particular and novel ethical demands for men. Unquestionably, to the Roman world, Christianity was both new and different, and, to a good many, it threatened social and religious conventions of the day.
In the rejection of the gods and in the centrality of texts, early Christianity obviously reflected commitments inherited from its Jewish origins. But these particular features were no longer identified with Jewish ethnicity and early Christianity quickly became aggressively trans-ethnic - a novel kind of religious movement. Its ethical teaching, too, bore some resemblance to the philosophers of the day, yet in contrast with these great teachers and their small circles of dedicated students, early Christianity laid its hard demands upon all adherents from the moment of conversion, producing a novel social project.
Christianity s novelty was no badge of honor. Called atheists and suspected of political subversion, Christians earned Roman disdain and suspicion in equal amounts. Yet, as "Destroyer of the gods" demonstrates, in an irony of history the very features of early Christianity that rendered it distinctive and objectionable in Roman eyes have now become so commonplace in Western culture as to go unnoticed. Christianity helped destroy one world and create another."
New Testament scholar Larry Hurtado’s book Destroyer of the gods is a carefully argued and convincing work. As he deftly shows, it is easy to underestimate the radical change that Christianity wrought on the world. A significant portion of the religious and cultural landscape in Western countries can be attributed to the historical influence of Christianity. It is not necessary (as Hurtado notes) to be a Christian to acknowledge this. One can accept it simply as a matter of historical and cultural fact while distancing oneself from the personal acceptance of actual Christian beliefs.
While early Christianity reflected the influence of Judaism, it was distinct from it. And while there are minor parallels between Christianity and pagan mystery religions and philosophical schools, these are easily exaggerated. Christianity was an altogether new religious and cultural phenomenon. It was a new identity, faith, and a new way of life.
In modern times, people approach a religious faith as a body of belief that they voluntarily embrace. In the Roman world, religion was inextricably tied to ethnicity and family. It was assumed that dutiful Romans would participate in the worship of the household gods. It was further expected that citizens would join with others in their community in acknowledging local deities. Citizens were also expected to participate in worshiping the national Roman gods. Romans largely tolerated Jewish monotheism as an ethnic distinctive. Christianity emerged as a radically monotheistic faith that transcended locality and ethnicity. Today (as Hurtado notes), when people express disbelief in God, they do so in Christian monotheistic terms by denying belief in a God, not many gods.
As Augustine pointed out in City of God, for a pagan Roman, there was almost no area of daily life that was left unimpacted by the invocation of a god. Each deity had its own sphere of influence. A person acknowledged a deity to curry favor within that sphere of influence. If a person ignored a deity (or somehow combined all deities as a convenience), he risked incurring the anger of the deity (or deities) left unacknowledged.
While (as Hurtado notes) invocation of gods was a constant preoccupation for a Roman, it was as part of a religion that largely restricted itself to this ritualistic acknowledgement by which individuals were either helped or hindered by the gods. Beyond this transactional relationship, the gods were indifferent to humanity, and individuals did not relate to the gods through a personal faith. The gods were not looked to for salvation in the afterlife. Religion was primarily confined to this world. Nor were the gods concerned with the personal moral behavior of humanity. Morality, or how to live the good life, was largely confined to philosophy, not religion. In modern times, it is generally assumed that religious faith governs moral behavior and is concerned with the afterlife. But these are assumptions inherited from Christianity and its influence on society.
Christianity also differed sharply from Roman pagan religion in that the tenets of its beliefs and instructions on how to live were communicated to adherents in written form. Romans (mostly upper-class Romans) who followed a philosophical school did so by reading philosophy in book form in a scroll format. However, Roman religion was largely ritualistic and non-textual. Pagan priests consulted the Sibylline books, but the actual content of the books was kept hidden from ordinary Romans. By contrast, early Christianity communicated its beliefs and instructions for living through writings that were read in churches wherever they may have gathered. With literacy being uncommon in the Roman world, a person was selected to read in church gatherings to those who (largely) couldn’t read for themselves. The writings read in these early church gatherings provided the basis for what would become the New Testament. Christians wrote many of their writings in a codex format, with individual pages stitched together in a way that anticipated the modern book format.
Within the culture of pagan Rome, wives, children, and slaves assumed the religious identity of the household. Christianity changed this by addressing wives, children, and slaves as individuals capable of having their own faith and living according to it. As Hurtado notes, the New Testament’s “direct address to these various subordinate groups is a distinctively Christian innovation.”
In modern times, Christianity is sometimes derided as patriarchal. However, the New Testament taught that husbands and wives were held to the same standards of marital faithfulness. Roman wives were expected to be faithful to their husbands. Roman society disapproved of married men having sex with wives of similar status or “freeborn virgins.” However, for Roman husbands, “other kinds of sexual activity were openly tolerated, and even encouraged. These included sex with courtesans and prostitutes and also sex with boys, typically slave boys.” Roman society viewed these sexual encounters as an outlet for married men to keep them away from married women. By contrast, sex within marriage was the outlet for Christian couples, as the New Testament encouraged couples not to withhold sex from each other.
In modern times, children are (rightly) protected from sexual exploitation. Regardless of one's faith (or lack thereof), society is in agreement on this. It is easy to assume that this has always been a general point of consensus within society. Such is not the case, as Hurtado clearly demonstrates. Within “the Roman era,” writes Hurtado, “the sexual use of children, including young adolescents and also younger children, was widely tolerated and even celebrated lyrically by some pagan writers of the day, such as Juvenal, Petronius, Horace, Strato, Lucian, and Philostratus.” Christianity roundly condemned such practices as abhorrent. Early Christian writers of the Didache and the Epistle of Barnabas, argues one study, developed language in Greek (where such language had previously not existed in Greek) to condemn the sexual abuse of children.
Modern society also (correctly) protects infants from physical harm. Once again, because of the influence of Christianity, it is easy to assume that this has always been the case. However, pagan Rome widely accepted the practice of infant exposure, whereby unwanted babies (especially girls) were left abandoned to the elements, wild animals, or found by strangers to be raised until they could be sold as slaves or prostitutes. It was not, as Hurtado notes, that Roman families were heartless and devoid of affection for family members. But in the same letter in which a father expressed affection for his wife and child, he issues these instructions to his pregnant wife: “[I]f it is a boy, let it be, if it is a girl, cast it out.” Early Christian writers, such as Justin Martyr, condemned the practice of infant exposure. Hermas, the writer of the early Christian work, the Shepherd of Hermas, was an apparent victim of infant exposure. Providentially, Hermas was “sold to Rhoda, the Christian woman who features among the characters” in the Shepherd of Hermas.
Destroyer of the gods is a very well-researched and well-argued book. As shown, Hurtado demonstrates how much of what has always been assumed to be true in society is only widely agreed upon because of the influence of Christianity. Whether one accepts the faith claims of Christianity, the profound change it wrought in Roman society is one that cannot be ignored or explained away.
No doubt this is a well researched book—it contains over one hundred pages of endnotes and indices (no, I didn’t read them). The text itself is dense, thoroughly elucidating each point with pages of evidence. I’d probably rate it higher as a textbook but not for the lay reader. Interesting ideas but quite a slog to get through.
Not sure if in all my reading I’d ever encountered the word “translocal”. This author loves it and works it in as often as possible, sometimes multiple times a page.
**My husband does not approve this review and says this book deserves all five stars. He is now looking to work “translocal” into his vocabulary. .
There have been in recent centuries attempts to portray Christianity as being the product of it's Greco-Roman environment. Efforts were made to demonstrate the influence of various mystery cults on Christianity, leaving the question of whether Christianity was in any way unique and distinctive. Larry Hurtado, Emeritus Professor of New Testament Language, Literature, and Theology at the University of Edinburgh, offers a detailed description of the ways in which early Christianity was quite distinctive. He offers this book as a response to what he calls our "cultural amnesia." We have forgotten both the distinctiveness of early Christianity and the mark left on our cultural mindset by this distinctive faith (p. 187).
When we think religion, we usually have in mind beliefs and practices, ethical concerns, laws, and rituals. We place Christianity and other traditions into this framework, so as to compare and contrast. Hurtado argues that our definition of religion differs greatly from the ancient world's, and that our modern definition largely stems from the emergence and growth of Christianity within the Roman world. Religion in the ancient Roman world was largely concerned with ritual, not doctrine or ethics. The one religion that has the same markers as Christianity is Judaism, but Judaism was itself a different kind of faith tradition. It was distinctive, but those distinctives were linked to ethnicity, whereas the differences expressed by Christianity were trans-ethnic.
In Hurtado's mind the first three centuries of Christianity's existence were formative. The characteristics that mark Christianity were forged in the context of a rather hostile context. Indeed, according to Hurtado, "in that ancient Roman setting, Christianity was perceived by many as irreligious, impious, and unacceptable, a threats to social order" (p. x). We may not perceive Christianity in this way, but its early compatriots did.
Why was Christianity deemed strange and dangerous? Could it be that their sense of exclusive devotion to the God revealed in Jesus put them at odds with their culture? This strangeness led to both social consequences and the possibility of physical death. They wee considered odd, first and foremost, because they refused to venerate or honor the gods of Rome and of the home. Rome was rather pluralistic, but it did require giving honor to the gods. It was an act of allegiance. The fact that Jews didn't have to give religious allegiance was due to the belief their stubbornness in resisting civic religion was an ethnic rooted reality. The same couldn't be said of Christianity, which quickly crossed ethnic boundaries.
Hurtado offers a historical look at these important questions about the foundational moments of Christianity. He notes the diversity of expression, but focuses on the proto-orthodoxy that was emerging during this era and became the leading theological vision by the fourth century.
He begins the journey with a detailed description of the way in which Christianity was perceived and understood by its non-Christian neighbors, both Jewish and Pagan. The Pagan critiques are the most interesting because they seem strange to ears. To think of Christianity, as Pliny suggested, being "perverse superstition" seems beyond comprehension. By the second century Christianity had begun to be noticed. It was deemed unsophisticated and dangerous, and needing a response as seen in the responses of people like Celsus.
In chapter two Hurtado begins to explore more fully the distinctives. He shows how Christianity is a new kind of faith. In the ancient world no distinction was made between devotion to the gods and the rest of life. Religion was simply an expression of one's culture, but for Christians it was much more. They made a distinction between culture and nation and the God revealed in Jesus. Religion was about ritual for the Romans, while little thought was given to beliefs. In a world full of gods, with temples and rituals, to worship one God who lacked idols was incomprehensible. Now there were growing numbers of trans-ethnic religions emerging at the time, including the Mithraism, which was popular among the soldiers, and the cult of Isis, which had spread widely from Egypt. But neither of these religions was exclusive. Thus, Christians were accused of atheism. it had some of the markings of Judaism, but it transcended them.
With the exception of Judaism, which had a strong ethnic identity, ancient religions were non-exclusive. Worshiping thee emperor was pledging allegiance to the ruler. To say no to this call to worship was to say no to the government. While voluntary religions were emerging, they were non-exclusive. With Christianity ethnicity and religious identity were separated, the same was true of political loyalty. As Hurtado notes: "Christians refused to honor the gods on which Roman rulers claimed to base their political authority; but Christians affirmed, nevertheless, a readiness to respect pagan rulers, pay taxes, and in other ways be good citizens" (p. 103). What Christians wanted, interestingly enough, was religious freedom. As Tertullian argued, worship can't be coerced, and one could be a good citizen without the religious test. In this Christianity was revolutionary.
From identity we move to the primacy of word in Christianity. Christianity more than any other religion other than Judaism was bookish. There is a uniqueness in Christianity's efforts to emphasize "reading, writing, copying, and dissemination of texts" (p. 105). He notes that one needn't have a fully literate community to be committed to the written word. A community needed but one person who could read the word to the people. Hurtado explores in some depth the role of reading and dissemination of texts, including the ongoing canonization process that standardized texts, beginning with the Pauline letters and then the Gospels in the second century. But it wasn't just the texts that came to be seen as scripture that were shared. Numerous works were produced during the second century and beyond. Paul's letters were unique in their length. No ancient letters were as lengthy as Paul's. Even Philemon is relatively large in comparison to other Roman letters. Then there is the codex. At a time when the scroll was the preferred form of book, Christians embraced the codex, which stands close to the modern book. Thus, Christianity was a text-oriented faith.
Christianity was unique as well in its ethical emphasis. Granted Judaism did the same, but it rarely sought to extend its practices to others. Christianity on the other hand made ethics central to their faith, and sought to expand influence to the rest of the community. In this Christianity was closer to the philosophical schools than religion. Among the practices that Christians opposed was the Roman practice of infant exposure. Romans seemed have few qualms about this, but Christians rescued infants and opposed the practice. They also opposed gladiatorial spectacles. Christians tried to fit in where they could, seeking to be good citizens, but they also believed that faith had behavioral expectations. Somewhat uniquely sexual expectations were applied to males as well as females.
Christianity, as Hurtado argues throughout, was distinctive in its attitude to the religious emphasis of the day, in its exclusiveness and transethnic nature. It was distinctive in its call for religious liberty, as well as its bookishness. It was unique in the way it emphasized behaviorial expectations. There are similarities, for instance, to household codes, but even these were modified.
I'm not a biblical scholar or a historian of early Christianity. Yes, I've studied the eras and have some acquaintance, but not expertise. Nonetheless, I believe that Hurtado has offered us a compelling case for the unique nature of early Christianity. I found his emphasis on the way in which contemporary understandings of religion, especially the separation of religion from culture, have their roots in this early period. I believe that book, which is very accessible to the non-specialist, will be very helpful in understanding the roots of Christianity and how we might live out our faith in the contemporary context, so that one might give allegiance to Jesus and be a good citizen (without giving ultimate allegiance to the state). This is a needed challenge to our cultural amnesia, and thus I highly recommend it.
A superb book. Shortly before passing away, Hurtado has proven to be one of the most lucid and comprehensive scholars in the field of Christian origins. Sources are carefully weighted, the style is accessible, and the historical conclusions are cogent and vivid. The main purpose of the book is to 'address our cultural amnesia' (p.1) in two fronts: first, with the past, demonstrating how Christian would seem distinctive in the Roman religious landscape; and second, with present Western assumptions about how religions work. In Hurtado's own words, "I want to highlight some major features of early Christianity that made it distinctive, noteworthy , and even peculiar in the ancient Greek and Roman setting. My additional point is that these features that were so unusual in that time have become accepted as commonplaces in the modern view of what religion is, and that, I submit, is largely due to the influence of Christianity." (5-6) Drawing on the rich wave of social-scientific approaches to the history of early Christianity, Hurtado will lay out a captivating narrative of Christianity in the Roman empire during the years 30-300 AD, and its effects in what we may call religious dispositions.
After an introduction that surveys the growth process of Christianity from 30-300 AD, which Hurtado sees as sui generis, the book is divided in five chapters. The first one presents how Christianity was described by Non-Christians (e.g. Pliny, Celsus, Marcus Aurelius), implying that Christianity, since the early 2nd century was an identified group within ancient Roman society, with general negative reactions by pagan authors. Christians were perceived as having potential problematic consequences politically and economically for Rome. For instance, their prime allegiance was towards Christ, not Caesar. Christians not even lit incenses to the emperor, but gathered weekly for some mysterious practices which were seen as foolish and intellectually poor. Moreover, as Christianity grew in specific areas, there was a diminshing activity related to the sacrifices to the pagan gods, which would alter the economic landscape of this region and subsequent taxes to Rome. Therefore, Christians started to draw attention from highly educated Roman authors.
The second chapter portrays a nuanced understanding of Christianity as an ancient 'religion'. Hurtado gives much attention to the definition and the complexities of defining and interpreting 'religions' as such in different historical periods. For him, Christianity could be seen as a religious group, but of "a different kind... both in beliefs and practices." (43) Christians were indebted to Judaism, but were not related to a specific ethnicity; Christianity invited pagans, but rejected the worship of the emperor, of pagan gods and domestic 'lares' as idolatry, which were hallmarks of decent Roman citizes; they met regularly (which was already uncommon in ancient Roman pagan religious context) for worship and practices that had parallels in part (e.g. supplications in prayer, shared symbolic meals) but were odd in much of it (e.g. baptism as an inclusion in the group, no sacrifice, but remembrance of a sort of human-god that died for them once and for all, invocations of this dead figure called Jesus). Finally, two Christian religious beliefs sounded very different in Roman ears: one, that the Christian God was unmatched in his power, invisible, but moved by faithful and sacrifical love towards human beings; and second, "a 'dyadic' pattern in which the One God and Jesus were central" (76).
In the sequence, the third chapter will develop from the second, disclosing how the sense of religious identity was usually connected to ethnicity in ancient Rome. “Your own gods were supplied as part of your birthright” (78). Even the separation of ‘religion’ from what we may call ‘ethnicity’ or ‘culture’ might be anachronistic, actually (79). So Hurtado analyzes what could be seen as exceptions for this rule: what he calls ‘voluntary religion’, such as mystery cults (e.g. to Mithras or Isis), and philosophical schools (e.g. Stoics). The characteristic contrast rested exactly on Christian claims to “exclusive loyalty to one deity, thereby defining all other cults of the time as rivals” (86). In other words, Christianity, from the outset, was seen as a multi-ethnic group with self-awareness, which Hurtado supports with, for instance, the use of ‘ekklesia’ as a self-description of the gathering of the people of the same faith in Jesus Christ. In this ekklesia, social distinctions (e.g. free versus slave, men versus women, etc.) were somehow kept in tension with a more egalitarian view based on God’s grace, which renders these social capitals as worthless within the Christian community.
A fourth and longer chapter follows. The number and diversity of footnotes here is noteworthy, indicating Hurtado’s expertise in the area of textual culture in early Christianity. Here, he addresses the issue of Christianity as a ‘bookish’ religion, i.e., a religious group strongly connected to the reading, copying and spreading of its religious texts. This is most likely derived from the heritage of Jewish synagogue, with some similarities with some pagan groups and philosophical schools—although with more similarities with Diaspora Judaism. Thus, Hurtado develops an interesting argument for the innovation of Christian texts. For instance, the gospels are a reflection of the Roman-era interest in biographical-style writings, but with the distinctive tone that their main subject is not a military hero or philosopher but “a Galilean of a tradesman’s family who was regarded as a prophet by some but executed by the Roman authorities on the charge of sedition” (122). Following from that, we find the work involved in copying and circulation of sacred texts, the Christian choice for the codex, and scribal practices that reflect Christian faith (e.g. Nomina sacra as a visual phenomenona, especially in the choices of “Lord” and “Jesus” as sacred names).
We move on to a fifth chapter, in terms of early Christian ethics. Again, even the modern assumption that religions involve behavioral requirements is much derived from a Christian heritage. So, taking examples from infant exposure and sexual ethics. Drawing from Pauline epistles and the epistle to Diognetus, Hurtado demonstrate that early Christianity tended to a collective behavioral responsibility, not one centralized in the decision power of the ones on the top of particular social pyramids (i.e. the pater familias or the emperor). In the open reading of Scripture in earliest Christian gatherings, people of different social strata knew the expectations to all the other groups and took part in the responsibility of following those demands, thus creating a “distinctive kind of social effort to reshape behavior” (172).
Finally, Hurtado concludes with observations on how the historical data must be put in dialogue with modern expectations of how religion work in the public sphere, and how we echo much of the Christian tradition in our own modern Western expectations.
Overall, great book. I had a difficulty only with Hurtado’s proposal of a historical span presented (30-300 AD), whereas his own chapters (esp. 2-5) depended mostly from NT texts (roughly 50-120 AD) and secondary literature, with a few mentions of the Apostolic Fathers, Justin Martyr and Tertullian. I was expecting larger interaction with primary data from other patristic authors after 200 AD, more of the Apostolic Fathers, inscriptions, etc. Apart from that, the book is a gem, and I highly enjoyed the chapter on the textual culture of early Christianity.
Interesting, readable, covers a wide range of topics. Hurtado contends that early Christianity was distinct from contemporary religions in a way that affected the view of religion down to the present day.
The crux of his argument is that Christianity presented a religion that was for the first time divorced from ethnicity. This meant that the typical exceptions ancient people made for Judaism did not apply to “transethnic” Christians. A new category had to be formed in which religion is voluntarily chosen. A couple of his “distinctives” are actually continuations of Judaism—monotheism and textual emphasis—although they undergo significant modifications in Christianity (worship of Jesus added, an explosion of reading and writing among early churches). He also discusses the novelty of connecting religion to specific moral behavior, taught to people across the social spectrum as a group identity. Christians were the first to say “this is who we are, and if you’re not this, you’re not one of us.”
Hurtado briefly alludes to what he calls our cultural amnesia—that we have forgotten that our views of religion stem almost entirely from Christianity. “Do you believe in God?” in the west is assumed to mean the God of the Bible (and prob Christianity). Religion is assumed to be a choice we make. Religion is assumed to be tied to sacred books. Religion is assumed to make moral demands on its people. These are great points…I only wish he had said more about this and why it matters.
Larry W. Hurtado Destroyer of the Gods: Early Christian Distinctiveness in the Roman World Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2016 Pp. xiv + 290. $19.95.
Perceiving the trend in patristic scholarship to over-emphasize the similarities of pagan religion, philosophy, and the mystery religions with Christianity—especially their influence on the development of early Christianity—Larry Hurtado seeks to provide a corrective reevaluation in his Destroyer of the gods. Fundamental to his study is his thesis that “what we call “religion” comprises a considerable diversity” (xiii). In other words, scholars have erred in methodology by anachronistically applying qualities of religion that arose specifically because of the distinctiveness of the Christian religion. While attempting to prove his thesis Hurtado draws out, without minimizing similarities, the distinctive features of early Christianity which he believes are often times glossed over, or worse, misunderstood. The book itself is divided into five major sections each comprising a unique part of his thesis; namely, Early Christians and Christianity in the Eyes of Non-Christians (chapter 1), A New Kind of Faith (chapter 2), A Different Identity (chapter 3), A “Bookish” Religion (chapter 4), and A New Way to Live (chapter 5). The first chapter deals with the unique religious claims of Christianity, the second treats the worship and exclusivity of the earliest Christians, the third chapter deals with the translocal and transethnic uniqueness of Christianity, the next asserts the uniqueness of Christians in their use of books/scripture as integral to the religion, and the last chapter deals with the high ethical norms of the earliest Christians. Greek terms are transliterated and citations are compiled as endnotes, making the book accessible even to the non-scholar. In the first major section, Hurtado attempts to highlight what non-Christians thought of the earliest Christians: they were quite strange. In this he succeeds, as he lays the backdrop upon which he can hammer home his thesis. The earliest Christians were seen as uneducated, bizarre, and standing against the very fabric of what was considered religious in the Greco-Roman world. Nevertheless, the book goes astray after the first chapter and thereby suffers on multiple fronts: a lack primary material, over-generalizations, dubious claims, imprecise terminology, and unnecessary reputation. For example, in the introduction Hurtado attempts to clarify “which Christianity” is going to be examined, ultimately concluding only those church fathers who supported “proto-orthodoxy” will be examined. Thus, he confines himself to the “first three centuries” (12). However, one is not exactly sure what the ambiguous term “proto-orthodoxy” even means, as it is not carefully defined but simply taken for granted. He states men like Tatian and Marcion will be avoided but theologians such as Origen and Clement are readily referenced, thereby throwing his “proto-orthodoxy” term into confusion. Concerning the chronology, while Hurtado claims to survey the first three centuries, he scarcely makes out it out of the first century, not making good on his promise. Indeed, Paul, and the catholic epistles, are quoted ex abundanti but one has to venture through one-hundred and three pages before the first substantial quote from a patristic source is encountered, a passage from Tertullian. In the first chapter, reference is made to the “economic factor” which could have served as a substantial contribution to the study, but this feature is not explored (24). In the second chapter, the early Christian conception that idols/pagan gods are actually demons is mentioned with reference to Paul (50-52), but the subject is then passed over. Hurtado could have bolstered his thesis with this point, a fascinating distinctive feature of early Christianity, by referencing Theophilus and Athenagoras or Justin and Aristides, but this was not even attempted. The similarities between early Christianity and the Greco-Roman philosophical schools are essentially brushed off in one paragraph because, while these too were “translocal and transethnic,” they did not require a change in “how you understood your religious identity” (86-87). Cumbersome terms, again, suffer from a lack of clarity such as “emergent proto-orthodox Christianity” (89). Throughout the book one receives the impression that Hurtado really means canonical New-Testament, or more specifically, Pauline Christianity. Elsewhere Hurtado seemingly contradicts himself. For example, in chapter four, in discussing the unique morality of early Christianity, Hurtado attempts to distinguish early Christian morality, towards females and slaves, from pagan-philosophical ones. After surveying the philosophical ethics of Musonus Rufus, and his assertion that wives and daughters should study philosophy, Hurtado quips that this cannot be unique because Rufus “hardly advocated any radical reordering of society” (263). Yet pages later, after trying to highlight the uniqueness of Paul in his conception of women and slaves, he admits: “The[se] texts do not advocate an overturning, or even questioning, of the social structures of the day” (178). One is therefore left swimming in a sea of ambiguity searching for this supposed uniqueness. While early Christian distinctiveness deserves a reappraisal by patristic scholars, Hurtado’s study is restricted by a myopic view of the diverse developmental stages of Christianity in the first three centuries. Concerning substance, the book betrays a lack of familiarity with the primary sources, relying too readily on secondary sources. Often times Hurtado reverts to quoting Paul, or doing New Testament word studies, in attempts to prove a historical point that extends well into the second or third century. In a word, it is evident that the work was written by a biblical theologian and not a patristic scholar. In sum, while Hurtado is convinced Christianity was the destroyer of the gods, upon completion the reader is left with an unsettling feeling, unconvinced that this thesis was proven. That is, Destroyer of the gods may leave more questions unanswered than it solves. Brent McCulley, Calvin Theological Seminary
This book is a compelling and convincing analysis of early Christianity and its distinct characteristics, contrasted some with Judaism and more with paganism. In some ways, it operates as an apologetic for those who would argue that Christianity largely borrowed from other religions and philosophies of its time. Otherwise, it's an interesting look at certain features for early Christianity living in the Roman era. Hurtado highlights in detail at least four distinctives: a new kind of faith, a new kind of identity, bookish habits, and distinct focus on the ethical demands of theology.
Destroyer of the Gods is as timeless as the work it speaks of.
In the circles I’ve been in recently over the past two years, as well as listening and reading to common modern readings and podcasts as well as academic journals regarding the daily practices of early Christianity and it’s distinctiveness, there is a confusion surrounding what first century Christianity really looked like. Some say that Christianity was just another religion amongst many in the Roman pantheon. Or it’s ethical stances, looked similar to the stoic philosophers of the day, and their meetings and practices.
Why is it different and is it at all? This must be addressed clearly.
In Destroyer of the Gods, Christian Historian, Dr. Larry Hurtado weaves ever so simply the 5 distinctives that made Christianity almost viral in its separateness from the larger Greco-Roman world that it was birthed into.
Christianity was TRULY different and anomalous. It was stark in its difference to Greco-Roman sexuality, racism, classism, offering New believers, Jewish and pagan, a new way to live.
Larry does such a phenomenal job simply helping the reader understand why Christianity was different and how it was such an explosion in the first 400 years.
There’s a reason the Way of Jesus was birthed into the era of the most dominant and powerful empire the world had ever seen up to that point.
And there’s a reason it outlasted, and overshadowed it.
This book will strengthen your faith and clarify your conviction, and leave with you with no excuse on what early Christians truly adhered to, and thereby, you as well.
Discussing what Christians looked like from the outside at the time.
Opens with some discussion of what "religion" was like at the time, and the demands that Christianity put on every day life. There were devotees who voluntarily dedicated themselves to a god above and beyond the duties put on them by their birth (you had to worship the gods of your people), but they were not exclusive; one votive offering to Isis specifically states it comes from devotees of Poseidon.
How Christian beliefs differed from the belief in a transcendental God among the philosophers as well.
Also goes into depths on how bookish the Christians were, and how they used the codex form when no one else really liked it. And on exposure of infants, gladiator games, and sexual ethics for men -- the demands on women didn't change really if you were pagan or Christian, but pagans often held that prostitutes were valuable as a preventive of adultery.
This is my second time reading this (read it for two separate classes) and it is one of the best books I've read in my time in seminary. Excellent examination of early Christianity and how it stood out against the Roman world.
Another excellent book by New Testament scholar Larry W. Hurtado. In the first chapter, Hurtado surveys the sorts of criticisms Christians faced from their critics, beginning with the most vociferous (Saul/Paul) through Pliny, Galen, Marcus Aurelius, Lucian of Samosata, Celsus, etc.. He then goes on to examine the nature of Christian "religion" and the then-accepted nature of religion in the Roman world.
Although occasionally a bit overly cautious with his conclusions, he nevertheless makes a powerful case that a lot of our modern assumptions about the nature of "religion" in general are actually due to the spread of Christianity, and were in fact ground-breaking innovations in the Roman world.
For instance, religious commitment that was both exclusive (unlike traditional Roman religion in its many forms) and transethnic (unlike Jewish national custom, which could be tolerated) was profoundly disruptive and offensive. Early Christianity was distinguished in both belief and practice (and, in fact, pioneered the notion of religious liberty and the decoupling of religious and ethnic identity).
While we today consider "bookishness" a natural trait of religion, it was extremely distinctive in early Christianity in the Roman world, and in fact changed the nature of reading itself (i.e., the strong and peculiar Christian preference for the codex over the bookroll gave way to the basic book format to which we're accustomed).
While we today consider ethics a natural trait of religion, this too was distinctive in early Christianity - Hurtado does a good job examining what was distinctive in Christian rejection of normalized practices like infanticide, bloodsports, pederasty, and so forth, as well as the even-handed way in which Christians abolished sexual double-standards that were common wisdom in the Roman world.
The work as a whole is an admirable successor to Robert L. Wilken's The Christians as the Romans Saw Them and gives some insight into just why the spread of Christianity was viewed so negatively by practitioners of Roman religiosity.
I found “Destroyer of the Gods” on the required reading section at the seminary bookstore, and expected a theological exploration of Christian history. And so I was shocked to discover that the book is a secular examination of the first 300 years of Church history. The author presents two main claims. Firstly, early Christianity, defied conventional categorization and conceptions of religion. Both surviving and thriving due to its unique characteristics. And secondly, the distinctives of early Christianity have become inseparable from modern perceptions of religion.
The book delves into how Christianity differed from prevailing religious norms in late antiquity, often bringing it into conflict with Rome and established religious institutions. The work highlights that these distinctive helped the early church survive systemic persecution. And finally how these distinctives now largely inform almost all conceptual understanding of religion.
Early Christianity was characterized by its exclusive worship, by being tans-ethnic and tans-local, advocating for peace, evangelism, for being a personal religion, its readiness for martyrdom, its pursuit of justice, its disruption of the status quo, and its intellectual depth. Hurtado argues that contemporary Western perceptions of religion are heavily influenced by these early Christian ideals. And that through early syncretism, other religions ultimately ended up adopting many of these distinctives.
While Hurtado only briefly touches upon it, a significant takeaway for me was the gradual loss of these distinctives as Christianity has slowly assimilated into modern society. The work forced me to question whether my understanding of Christianity is rooted in biblical teachings and historical context or shaped by societal forces.
“Destroyer of the Gods” challenged my perspectives unlike most of what I read. Fans of Dr. Tom Holland’s “Dominion” or Dr. Peter Leithart’s “Defending Constantine” are going to enjoy this work. It strikes a balance between academic rigor and accessibility, appealing to both scholars and lay readers alike. It is more secular than most of what I read approaching the study of religion from the realm of thinkers like Müller, Berkheim, and Weber more than any Christian theologian.
Hurtado presents a compelling case that first and second century Christianity defied common social expectations and religious practices in the Roman world.
He shows early Christian distinctiveness in four categories: 1) exclusive worship of one God, 2) exclusive religious identity defined by relationship with God, 3) commitment to writing, copying, sharing and studying texts, and 4) stringent behavioral standards across all social categories in the church. All four made the movement odd or offensive to the larger Roman culture. All four slightly resembled Jewish practices of the day, but quickly became distinct in applications across ethnic, geopolitical and economic divides.
There were a lot of insights that gave me a new appreciation for these brothers and sisters in Christ. Hurtado explains in detail how Roman religious practices were entrenched in everyday social interactions. As a result, I better understand how early Christians walked faithfully in their daily actions:
”When Christianity was regarded widely as a strange and dubious new religion, Christians had to avoid the ire and accusations of non-Christians, while advocating and living out their own beliefs and practices. This likely involved frequent, sometimes complicated, decisions about what Christians felt that they could or could not do, what social events they could take part in, and what roles in society they could accept, requiring them to negotiate their existence as best they could. The most frequent and painful tensions may have been not from governing officials but with family members, friends, and other associates.” (150-51)
None of this may surprise students of the New Testament, but Hurtado’s book will surely challenge the Christian reader who feels comfortable conforming to their native culture.
Contra the book jacket, the author does not attempt to explain “how Christianity destroyed one world and created another.” His claims are modest and carefully considered, but he still dispels some popular confusions about the origins of Christianity.
As a look at early Christian beliefs and practice, this book is worth thoughtful engagement.
The more books by historians I read about Christianity, the more I feel they are necessary to inform my own faith. This deep dive into the distinctiveness of early Christianity within the Greco-Roman world was clearly laid out and easy to follow, and gave me insight into what it would be like to be a Christian in the first century. Hurtado outlines the ways Christianity was different from traditional Judaism, the pagan lifestyle of Gentile converts, and the belief systems of philosophers at the time. This includes the new kind of identity taken on by its adherents, how it was uniquely “bookish” (that’s a fun chapter if you love books), and how early Christians had their own code of conduct that was very different from practices considered normal at the time. I found this book enriched not just my knowledge of history but also my understanding of the texts that make up the New Testament.
This an excellent description of early Christian communities by a New Testament scholar and historian. It is especially stunning to see how the precise moral practice of Christian communities set them apart from the Roman culture. These very practices were seen as a threat to the empire and foolish to surrounding society. Christians were known as atheists, and by their behavior they displayed a radical alternative to the prevailing norms.
A bit repetitive. But full of good insights on Greco-Roman backgrounds and some of the distinctive aspects to the Christian faith—its "bookishness," it behavioral requirements, etc. Fascinating material from a seasoned scholar. A bit repetitive. ;-)
This is the first of Hurtado's numerous books that I have read, and it struck me as being the fruit of a long life continually engaged with ancient Christian sources. More conversational in tone than other comparable technical works, "Destroyer of the Gods" was born out of several lectures on early Christian distinctiveness that Hurtado delivered at a couple of universities. This gives the book an accessibility and even familiarity that will appeal to a broader audience than simply graduate students.
Many of Hurtado's points have made their way into my own teaching and preaching recently. It's been surprising to me just how frequently I make mention of this book! I suppose it's because, while innumerable books examine the philosophical, cultural, and political backgrounds of Roman-era society and how those backgrounds relate to Christianity, this book focuses specifically upon where Christians differed - drastically - from their pagan or Jewish neighbors. These drastic differences have been largely forgotten by our amnesiac world today.
Hurtado argues persuasively that these distinctive practices of the early Christians made them far different from their non-Christian neighbors. Christianity was a departure from Roman-era "religious" practice; there was an exclusivity in following Jesus Christ and a necessary denial of all other local, national, and familial gods. It was also translocal and transethnic; previous to the birth of Christianity, one's "religious" identity was not separable from one's place of origin. Christianity invented the very idea of religion, because it demonstrated that belief and ethic can transcend worldly barriers and create a new "nation," that is, the Church itself. Christianity was also "bookish," as Hurtado puts it; from the earliest days, the production and reception of texts was immensely important. The codex (which is the ancestor of the modern book) and not the Roman book-roll was used by Christians, and they were considered quite odd for it. Yet, the very invention and use of codices has transformed our modern world. Finally, the fact that ethics - right behavior - was fundamental to Christianity was significantly distinctive in the ancient world. Never before had such a wide-spread movement been intertwined with such serious ethical commands. Add to this that, at all levels of society, from men to women to children to slaves, Christians were expected to follow Christ's example every day, then Christianity begins to seem more and more radical compared to Roman philosophical or religious movements.
This book opened up a lot of new directions for my research. I am going to be reading more of Professor Hurtado's work.
Excellent short read. It doesn't teach anything new. If you have had interaction with the early Greco-Roman world, then this book will actually not surprise you in the slightest, nor would any student of church history right after Acts (or quite frankly, those who read Acts).
Larry Hurtado gives a helpful look at the culture and the newly formed Christianity, reminding readers that this was genuinely new, and how the Romans and Greeks would have perceived a new religion popping up.
Imagine it as if a new religion started tomorrow with a large group of Muslims creating a new religion focused on an individual member deemed to be of infinite importance. What would that look like? How would the world change?
The world for the Jews and Romans and Greeks sure changed when Christianity appeared on the scene. Think about how radical that would be, and how Christians presented themselves in that time.
That's why this book is worth a read. Nothing is new. But everything is new.
A useful book. Hurtado sets out the various ways in which Christianity was distinctive in the Roman Empire, resulting in a different understanding of what constituted religion and religious practice that is still with us. It was seen as dangerous by the surrounding Roman Empire because of these distinctives. At a time in which modern Western culture is moving toward something more like that of the Roman Empire in the first three centuries of the Christian era, it is important for Christians to inform themselves in order to maintain the faith once delivered to the saints. The book is written at a popular level. Extensive end-notes can be consulted for further study, but they are not essential to understanding the message of the book.
This was the second of my Book-a-Week Summary Challenge. Hurtado seems to have been a first-rate scholar, and he does great work here showing the contrasts between early Christianity and the Greco-Roman culture it grew up in.
Especially of note to me were: the way he highlights the distinctive bookishness of early Christianity, and the authority given to the written word (seen in such things as Paul using his letters as a proxy for his own presence and authority in the churches he wrote them to, or in the imperative he gives to the young pastor Timothy to make sure he devotes himself to the public reading of Scripture). He also alludes to the very early agreement with "proto-orthodox" Christianity on the Apostolic writings as authoritative, on a par with the Old Testament Scriptures.
This was a great quick read. Hurtado's goal is to present early Christianity as it may have been perceived by Romans living in the first few centuries after Christ. His point: the worldview implications of Christianity were truly radical, defying most established Roman ways of understanding philosophy and religion. As moderns, it is difficult to understand how upsetting the Christianity worldview, moral teaching, and identity would have been to Romans, since our most fundamental expectations about religion actually come from the dominance of Christianity itself over the last two millennia of western civilization.
This was actually so interesting and eye-opening. This was an assigned reading for one of my classes, and I was shocked by how readable this is for an academic book. Christianity was SO unique and strange in the Roman world in the first few centuries, yet these features are now unquestioned assumptions about religion in the modern world today. Early Christianity truly flipped the world on its head and changed so much. Such a good book.
Muy buen libro para entender el cristianismo y su desarrollo en los primeros 3 siglos. El trabajo de Hurtado muestra las semejanzas de los cristianos en la cultura en la cual se encontraban asi como sus diferencias. Esto muestra que el cristiano debe ser semejante a las demás personas en muchas acciones cotidianas pero tambien diferente a ellos en otros aspectos.
Such a great overview in such a concise form. Hurtado holds back nothing as he dives into the world in which the early Christians lived, and what exactly set them apart from the world around them. Great read for anyone interested in Early Christian distinctions in the first 3 centuries.
This is my first book I’ve read by Hurtado. His historical insight is honestly amazing! He has a fairly balanced view of the texts that he works with which is nice because he tries to approach the text as honest as possible without bolstering up his own worldview.