What stands behind the New Age recrudescence of paganism? In a bleak post-Reformation world stripped of sacrament and mystery, it is after all understandable that some distraught but sensitive souls would rebel against the shibboleth of the technological mindset and its ever-expanding control over natural forces and seek to restore an apprehension of the primal wonder of creation such as the antique pagans once possessed. Set aside the question of whether or to what extent contemporary would-be pagans genuinely recover a pre-modern mentality (any more than Protestants allegedly return to the early church) – most probably they do not as reference to the transcendent goes missing; for instance, Natalie Haynes’ A Thousand Ships, however piquant it may be as a literary exploration of women’s experience of the Trojan war, cannot be said to be truly mythological for the properly religious aura with which the Olympian pantheon was imbued (albeit contradictorily and refracted through a dark glass) seems to be entirely absent in her work. Yet one cannot appreciate the opening lines of Homer’s Iliad, if one does not perceive the gravity of Agamemnon’s violation of the justice of the god Apollo, whom the priest Chryses represents on behalf of his daughter (as only a religious man could) – and enter merely into an historical investigation of medieval Europe around the time of its Christianization.
The present review will focus on Max Dashu’s Witches and Pagans: Women in European Folk Religion, 700-1100 (Veleda Press, 2016, volume seven in a projected eleven-volume Secret History of the Witches). Dashu’s method is primarily philological and etymological, supported by archaeological evidence. Let us single out for the sake of review a couple themes that pique this recensionist’s intellectual interest. Speaking of of the cosmic tree yggrasil in Norse mythology, Dashu has this to note:
Three primeval Maidens live under this holy Tree, says the Völuspá, the oldest poem in the Icelandic Edda. They lay down the laws of Nature and shape the destiny of all beings, carving runes into the Tree. These are the deepest Mysteries. The Maidens are named from the Norse verb verða, ‘to turn, to become’, They are Urð, which means ‘Became’; Verðandi, ‘becoming’; and Skuld, ‘Shall be’, ‘Must be’ or ‘Will-happen’. Skuld is related to English ‘shall’, and carries the same sense of intention, propulsion or necessity. Some translators highlight its connotation of necessity of ‘Inevitability’. Rather than progressing in a straight line, the Norns spiral through revolutions of Time. What ‘was’ must lead to what ‘shall be’, which inexorably turns into ‘what was’. In this philosophy, time as well as space curves, turns, spirals: ‘Völupsá seems to show traces of a cyclic arrangement of time’...In fact, the Norns’ names have very deep Indo-European roots. They go back to a distant proto-Indo-European root *Wert (*Uert, *Uerth) meaning ‘to turn, revolve, spin, move in a circle’. In some European daughter languages, this taproot concept evolved into a verb of being and becoming:
Latin: Verto to turn, revolve
Old Norse: Verða to be
Saxon: Weorthan to be
German: Werden to be, become
This complex of meanings gave rise in turn to Germanic names for a Fate goddess who personified causation, change and movement through time. The Norse knew her as Urðr, the Germans as Wurt, and the Old Saxons called her Wurð. In Old English her name was Wyrd or Werd, giving rise to the medieval word for destiny: weird. All these fate-names derive from the ancient verb of turning, in its completed form. The shaper of destiny is herself the sum of fates fulfilled, and in turn brings new things into being. The Norns ‘shape’ destiny, or ‘lay’ fate, lay down natural law. Poems and sagas speak of their fate-shaping (sköpum norna). [pp. 1-2]
For weaving is a prototypically feminine activity:
Some Old English gnomic sayings conceive of Wyrd as a weaver: ‘what Wyrd wove for me’ (me thæt Wyrd gewaf). Another phrase is ‘woven by the decrees of fate’….The Anglo-Saxon word wyrdstæf was a name for what Fate ordains. The term resonates with the Norse rūnstæf, which were divinatory wooden lots. The only surviving use of wyrdstæf combines it with the word ‘woven’: ‘when comes that season woven by fate’s decrees’. This same line is also translated as ‘the time woven on Wyrd’s loom’ (thrāg...wefen wyrdstafum, taking wyrdstæf as ‘loom’). [pp. 18-20]
As we see, ancient peoples did not parcel out life into a profane and a holy sphere. Rather, everything interpenetrates everything, rendering the whole charged with symbolic significances. Women would chant incantations while weaving, thus closing the connection in this circle of ideas:
One English name for the witch was ‘weirding woman’. The Scots called her ‘weird-woman’ or ‘weird-wife’, or sometimes, under Norse influence, ‘spaeing woman’ (after spákona, ‘prophetic woman’). She cast lots, scanned the signs and advised of currents on their way. Weirding encompassed foreknowing and prophecy and all the shamanic arts. A Scottish reference to ‘weirding peas’ harks back to the divinatory way of casting lots. [p. 23]
All of this reveals a characteristically pagan mindset, to conceive of time itself in circular terms. Many readers will be familiar with Mircea Eliade’s treatment of this fundamental theme in his influential study, The Myth of the Eternal Return: Or, Cosmos and History (Princeton University Press, 1954). Right now would not be the occasion to reprise Eliade’s compelling thesis that contrasts the ancient cyclical view with the modern linear view of time owing to the intervention of Judeo-Christianity. Rather, inspired by the above we wish speculate: is it after all true that modern mathematical physics since Galileo knows only a strictly linear time? Yes, if one look overly naïvely at Newton’s equations of motion. But the question appears in another light if one turn to ergodic theory. There, as covered by A.B. Katok and A.M. Stepin [Approximations in ergodic theory, Russian Mathematical Surveys 22, 77-102 (1967)], a series of deep results show that a metric automorphism of a measure space can be well approximated by periodic transformations and its ergodic, mixing and spectral properties can be investigated by means of its periodic approximates. The motion in the vicinity of a periodic orbit embodies a concept of cyclical time. So we see that linear time reduces to an arrangement of cycles of varying periodicity, and the representation thus obtained becomes exact in the limit as cycles with arbitrarily long period are included.
The second stimulating subject evoked by Dashu’s work is that of runes:
Runa means Mystery. The concept was sacred in the old Germanic languages. An Eddic poem describes the runes as reginkunnon, ‘of divine origin’, literally ‘kin to the powers’. The word runa was first written down in bishop Wufila’s Gothic translation of the Christian scriptures, sixteen centuries ago. It was the closest Germanic approximation to the Greek mysterión in Mark 4:11: ‘The mystery of the kingdom of God’….The Anglo-Saxon cleric Caedmon defined rūn as both sacred Mystery and as magical symbol. In the Old Saxon Heliand, the biblical passage ‘Lord, teach us to pray’ is translated as ‘reveal to us the runes’ (gerihti us that geruni). The Anglo-Saxon word rūn meant ‘mystery, secret, counsel, consultation, runic character’. Sometimes the characters are described as rūnstæf, showing their roots in divinatory wooden lots. [p. 159]
Needless to say, in ancient saga runecraft was naturally the province of women [cf. p. 162]:
Weirding women sought to perceive how Wyrd was spinning out lives and interweaving them in her webs. People came to seers looking for illumination of their problems, for solutions and counsel to choose the right course. The impulse to divine the powers at work rested on a petition to the Fates….Runes were an alphabet if powers and meanings, forming constellations in shifting relationships to each other. Divination with runes spelled out fate, and offered a chance to shape it. [pp. 157-158]
Must we suppose all of this to have been delusory? It all depends on how prepared one is when going into a session of divination. The lots, when cast, offer a clue but have to be interpreted – and it stands to reason that a practiced woman would have been attentive to what was going on in the world around her, both natural and social, and thus would have had a base of knowledge by which to guide her interpretation. A similar phenomenon crops up in the New Testament, that of the interpretation of tongues – in debased modern practice, speaking in tongues is treated as a spiritual gift apart from its prophetic interpretation, thus clearly departing from the norm of the early church, in which speaking in tongues was regarded as a gift only when accompanied by a prophetic interpretation. Thus, we may infer that it would be problematic if a witch entrusted herself solely to fortune when casting lots but it does not seem in principle that no knowledge could be conveyed via such divination, if she brings an awareness of the context to bear upon its proper interpretation. A reason of this kind must account for the track record at the oracle of Apollo in Delphi, namely, of the Pythian sibyl’s having been right more often than she was wrong – for prophetic inspiration does not consist in guessing in the dark!
Another major theme Dashu is concerned to hone is that old-style witchcraft has far more to do with knowledge and prophecy than with consorting with Satan and casting harmful spells – the latter ideas seem to be late medieval or early modern inventions. For by common acknowledgment prophecy belonged to the woman’s sphere and, as evidenced in many of the sagas, was deemed unmanly for a man to engage in (almost as bad as homosexual conduct). In her own concluding words:
In spite of everything that we have been taught about the profoundly secondary status of the female, what women did in the spiritual realm mattered. The wisewomen has oracular authority and healing wisdom and ceremonial leadership, even after being stripped of any institutional base. But these female spheres of power faced intense challenges from church, state and from within the patriarchal family, Sexual politics was closely bound up with witchcraft, with the gendering of seiðr, the cries of ‘witch and whore’ in England, and why the Spanish treated burning at the stake as a female punishment. At the center of the furnace of cultural transformation was the development of diabolism – a Christian projection of ‘the devil’ onto all ethnic deities. It has had a lasting impact. The namecalling of ‘devil worship’ formed the template for repressing goddess veneration and, later, indigenous religions on other continents. It still influences scholarly and popular interpretations of witches, witchcraft and heathen spiritual traditions. [pp. 330-331]
The last part of the present work is devoted to the tragedy of the meeting of cultures. Too often, Christianity was not established by consent (as happened in Iceland) but imposed through force of arms, as in Charlemagne’s protracted campaigns against the Saxons or with the Teutonic knights’ genocidal suppression of heathenism in Prussia and Lithuania. But more than this, even where the new religion met with success, the historical evidence Dashu marshals suggests a failure of enculturation. An illiterate and largely non-urban population like those of northern Europe must find a scriptural religion hard to assimilate – compare with the relative ease with which Christianity spread throughout urban centers in the Mediterranean world and in the Roman empire. By the time it began to gain headway, in the fourth century, generations of apologists such as Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, Lactantius and so forth had long since found a way to make the strange religion presentable to those who possessed an education in Greek and Latin letters. Is there anything of the kind that might have facilitated the conversion of the northern barbarians? It seems not so much. True, missionaries such as Augustine of Canterbury and Boniface indeed proclaimed the gospel to the Germanic tribes but do not seem to have left behind any literary compositions that sought to reach out to them in terms of their own culture. The precious testimonies we do possess, such as the Prose Edda of Snorri Sturluson (composed circa 1220) date to an era when Christianity already had long been accepted, and take a retrospective view of the pagan culture, seen as belonging to glorious but by-gone times. What this all means for Dashu’s project: the tenacity with which pagan beliefs and practices held fast for centuries, even after the official adoption of Christianity, appears little surprising. Yet there remain a few anomalies not apparently consistent with Dashu’s account of the history, for instance, the way in which Christian religion seems to have appealed to the Celtic sensibility and to have been enthusiastically incorporated into Irish culture, bringing about the golden age of the seventh century. Indeed, Irish monks crossed the English channel in the other direction and were instrumental to the re-Christianization of large parts of northern France and Germany during the Carolingian renaissance. Thus, the relations between Christianity and paganism during the early middle ages could not have been as simplistic as Dashu implies in her occasionally angry retelling – or how else could an integrally Christian civilization have arisen by the time of the high middle ages? One wishes for more dispassionate scholarship on this key issue.
A disturbing aspect, nonetheless, would be the sporadic early medieval witch trials on the record of which Dashu reports. For many longstanding pagan practices entered the obloquy of condemnation upon the adoption of Christianity – such as incantation, divination, soothsaying and sorcery. In what is a typical contrast throughout history, ecclesiastical leaders favored comparatively mild sanctions such as fasting and penance while the secular authorities preferred the draconian measures of banishment, torture and execution (centuries later, during the inquisition, those who were accused would actively seek to be tried in an ecclesiastical court, known to be far more lenient than the corresponding secular courts). The Erastian political tenets popular with Protestants, which adulate the temporal power and want to subordinate the spiritual power to it, are well known – one may consult in this connection the programmatic essay by Lord Acton entitled, ‘The Protestant theory of persecution’ (1862). It has been after all very characteristic of modern men to eliminate the ecclesiastical jurisdiction presumably because it was felt to be too merciful.
For perspective on the whole phenomenon of the persecution of witches during the early middle ages, compare with the witch hunting craze of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries and with the French revolution. As David Bentley Hart adduces in his Atheist Delusions: The Christian Revolution and its Fashionable Enemies (Yale University Press, 2009):
The rather disorienting truth about the early modern fascination with witchcraft and the great witch hunts is that they were not the final, desperate expressions of an intellectual and religious tradition slowly fading into obsolescence before the advance of scientific and social ‘enlightenment’; they were, instead, something quite novel, modern phenomena, which had at best a weak foreshadowing in certain new historical trends in the late Middle Ages, and which, far from occurring in tension with the birth of secular modernity, were in a sense extreme manifestations of it. In many cases, it was those who were most hostile to the power of the church to intervene in secular affairs who were also the most avid to see the power of the state express itself in the merciless destruction of those most perfidious of dissidents, witches. Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), for instance, the greatest modern theorist of complete state sovereignty, thought all religious doctrine basically mendacious and did not really believe in magic; but still he thought witches should continue to be punished for the good of society. The author of De la démonomanie des sorciers (1580), perhaps the most influential and (quite literally) inflammatory of all the witch-hunting manifestos of its time, was Jean Bodin (c. 1530-1596), who believed witches should be burned at the stake, that nations that did not seek them out and exterminate them would suffer famine, plague and war, that interrogation by tortue should be used when sorcery was so much as suspected, and that no one accused of witchcraft should be acquitted unless the accuser’s falsity be as shiningly apparent as the sun. But Bodin was also the first great theorist of that most modern of political ideas, the absolute sovereignty of the secular state, and he was certainly not an orthodox Catholic but and adherent of his own version of ‘natural’ religion. British laws making sorcery a capital offense were passed only in 1542 and 1563, well after Crown and state had been made supreme over the English church, and the later act was not repealed until 1736. In 1542, the Concordat of Liège, promulgated under the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V (1500-1558), placed the prosecution of sorcery entirely in the hands of secular tribunals. This was also, perhaps not coincidentally, precisely the time at which the great witch hunt began in earnest. [pp. 80-81]
All around one may estimate that, on a per capita and per unit time basis, the witch hunters of the early modern period – to say nothing of the French revolutionaries – must have been somewhere between two hundred and a thousand times more lethal than were the early medieval persecutors of witches – a dramatic testament to the effect of the passage from medieval decentralized government to the centralized monolithic modern secular state!
Thus, the heartfelt sense of injury that animates Dashu’s writing in this last part of her work is surely misplaced, in part. Her target ought, in justice, to be the secular state much more than the church. Be that as it may, we can agree that the history of the persecution of witches is discreditable to all those in power – and ultimately rooted in the failure, mooted above, of the Christian missionaries to speak to the hearts and minds of the early medieval pagans whom they aimed to convert.
Five stars: an invaluable aid by which imaginatively to reconstruct a lost world!