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Debrahmanising History: Dominance and Resistance in Indian Society
Egalitarianism is neither alien to India nor the gift of the West. Marginalized people everywhere have aspired to build an inclusive world. Espousing the perspective of the commoners, this revised edition of Debrahmanising History brings out the beauty and resilience of a counter-tradition by visiting some of the major sites of resistance and creativity from below. Ranged against caste and brahminism, this liberating tradition is to be found in the egalitarians of diverse inclinations, particularly in the strands of shramanism, Buddhism, the movements of subaltern sant-poets, Sufism, and Sikhism.This counter-tradition was carried forward in modern India by, more than anybody else, Jotiba Phule, Iyothee Thass, Narayana Guru, Periyar, and Ambedkar. Recognizing the power of culture in the politics of transformation, they had emancipatory visions that embraced the whole of Indian experience, and stand firmly as an alternative to Tikak-Savarkarite, Gandhian, and Nehruvian visions. Their determined but diverse and 'resourceless' struggles fought in the teeth of opposition from the caste elites, could not arrest the neo-brahminism which under colonial complicity and the archaeology of knowledge derived from Orientalism went on to reincarnate - and nationalise - itself into octopus-like Hinduism and 'Indian Culture'. Their sublime failure adds to their enduring appeal to the dalit-bahujans as old forms of hierarchy and hegemony menacingly morph into new structures of inequality in the 'world's largest democracy'.In some studies, the emancipatory thrust of this tradition is occasionally recognized, but it is seldom integrated with civilizational studies on Indian culture and society. An attempt in that direction, this searing critique of caste and dominant historiography is meant for all those who are - or want to be - part of the ongoing struggle of human liberation.Braj Ranjan Mani is the author of Knowledge and A Discourse for Transformation (2014). One of India's unconventional scholar-activists, Manu was formerly a journalist with The Times of India, a Fellow of the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, and worked for a while as Dr. Ambedkar Chair-Professor at NISWASS, Bhubaneshwar, before deciding to work autonomously.
446 pages, Unknown Binding
First published January 1, 2005
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Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews
June 9, 2021
I wish I hadn't read this book. Also I wish hadn't written this review.
I don't usually read extreme/highly opinionated works. It is because of my inability to ascribe to a particular ideology. In contemporary times it has become quite common to have a correct worldview, otherwise people just bully you on a whole new level. Today's issues demand to a certain degree taking sides between these extreme[s]. With that being said I wouldn't desire to follow that path. And the author in this book has done exactly what the present times demand; Divide the world into Black & White, Good & Evil, Right & Wrong, Brahmin & Dalit. But with what objective? I was at pains to find out his objective, but it was out there all along. It was to present a different narrative of Indian history which shows history as a period of resistance of Shudras against the Brahamanic dominance.
It wouldn't be right to comment on the merit of this objective but the manner in which this objective is sought is so full of hatred and contempt that a person gets lost in feeling nothing but that.
The only thing worth reading in the book was the chapter on Phule, because that felt like the only chapter where the author turned off his hate button. Rest of the book is pure hatred.
I would only want to assign this book the scholarly value that comes with taking a unchartered path and nothing else. This book does not fit the category of social/historical/political work for me.
Republic of Caste: Thinking Equality in the Time of Neoliberal Hindutva is a much better read.
Cheers!
And remember don't hate.
First things first. This book seeks to present a counter narrative to the one espoused by "Tilak, Savarkar, Gandhi and Nehru". When your premise is based on the assumption that the vision of Gandhi, Nehru, Tilak and Savarkar overlapped and complemented each other in the modern period of India, you are bound to commit some grave errors. Braj Ranjan Mani seems to have committed errors in the length of a book.
I don't usually read extreme/highly opinionated works. It is because of my inability to ascribe to a particular ideology. In contemporary times it has become quite common to have a correct worldview, otherwise people just bully you on a whole new level. Today's issues demand to a certain degree taking sides between these extreme[s]. With that being said I wouldn't desire to follow that path. And the author in this book has done exactly what the present times demand; Divide the world into Black & White, Good & Evil, Right & Wrong, Brahmin & Dalit. But with what objective? I was at pains to find out his objective, but it was out there all along. It was to present a different narrative of Indian history which shows history as a period of resistance of Shudras against the Brahamanic dominance.
It wouldn't be right to comment on the merit of this objective but the manner in which this objective is sought is so full of hatred and contempt that a person gets lost in feeling nothing but that.
The only thing worth reading in the book was the chapter on Phule, because that felt like the only chapter where the author turned off his hate button. Rest of the book is pure hatred.
I would only want to assign this book the scholarly value that comes with taking a unchartered path and nothing else. This book does not fit the category of social/historical/political work for me.
Republic of Caste: Thinking Equality in the Time of Neoliberal Hindutva is a much better read.
Cheers!
And remember don't hate.
July 17, 2022
I cannot stress enough how necessary this book is! It essential to understanding and undoing brahmanical-hindu hegemony in South Asia. It’s so important for undoing the brahmanical propaganda that has been pushed out since the birth of “hinduism.” The resistance against vedic brahmanism from Buddha to Periyar continues to be an inspiration. I cannot thank the author enough for writing this. Simply brilliant.
September 7, 2021
A word of warning at the start. If you are touchy about Hindu religion or iconic figures like Vivekanand, Gandhiji etc, you may like to skip the book and even this review! The language of Debrahmanising History is vituperative at places but its contents are thought provoking. It offers a much less complimentary though well argued perspective of many of the icons and events of our history.
We are aware of the story of the tribal boy Eklavya and how Dronacahrya took from him his right thumb so that Arjun could become the best archer. Mani says the same mind-set exists in modern India otherwise how could Drona be considered a model teacher and the national award for sports coaches be named after him?
The author goes on to state, "Colonial crimes pale in comparison with the crimes of caste and brahmanism which have victimised, stigmatised and inferiorised the dalit-bahujans (who constitute more than 80 per cent of Indian people) for almost three thousand years."
The book brings out how the caste system, particularly the labelling of the vanquished people as dasyus or shudras and making them virtual slaves in perpetuity, was a diabolical scheme of the Brahmins. This fragmentation of society was found convenient by future conquerors, be it the Muslims or the British, as it prevented Indians from presenting a united front.
One of the most important critics and opposers of the caste system was the Buddha who accepted people of all castes in his sangha freely. Later, Bhakti poets like Kabir and Ramdas were strident critics of the caste system. Actually throughout our history there have been opponents of the system, and in all parts of our country, but a concerted effort seems to have been made to remove their names from our history. Even the name of Emperor Ashoka, who had renounced Brahmanism and embraced Buddhism, had been expunged from Indian history. It had to be re-discovered by James Prinsep in the nineteenth century on the basis of his rock edicts and other foreign records, especially the Ceylon chronicles.
Mani's strongest criticism, however, is reserved for leaders of the National Movement who persistently suppressed the effort of leaders of the weaker sections to make socio-economic empowerment a part of the freedom struggle. Writing of Tilak he states - "In the same vein, opposing the entry of dalit-bahujans in the parliamentary politics, he (Tilak) jeered, 'Will the kunbis [peasants] plough the field and shimpis [tailors] sew clothes in the legislative assembly?'
But it is Gandhiji who is the author's pet peeve. To quote him, " While making some politically correct noises on untouchability, Gandhi was consistently emphatic that an individual's caste was ascribed at the moment of birth, and not to live by one's caste was 'to disregard the law of heredity' because 'varnashrama is inherent in human nature and Hinduism (had) simply reduced it to a science. It is notable that Gandhi was initially opposed even to the temple-entry demand from the depressed classes, and even after his 'change of heart' on this issue, his position remained ambiguous."
Continuing in the same vein, he says, " Gandhi made it clear that he did not have any agenda of civil rights, political power, or economic opportunity for them (the 'Harijans'). His approach was the change of heart and the creation of an 'ideal bhangi', who would continue to clean the excreta of others... in a spirit of duty and service" which would earn for him the status equal to a Brahmin's.
The book is well-researched and sources are mentioned throughout, giving it credibility.
We were taught that "ancient India'' was globally admired as "sonay ki chidia" or that one man with his soul-force delivered us from evil in 1947. A counter narrative is very much needed to move us from hagiography to history. Well researched books like this one provide such a counter narrative. One does not need to agree with all that such writers argue, but we do need to hear the "witness for the prosecution" to get a truer picture of our history.
We are aware of the story of the tribal boy Eklavya and how Dronacahrya took from him his right thumb so that Arjun could become the best archer. Mani says the same mind-set exists in modern India otherwise how could Drona be considered a model teacher and the national award for sports coaches be named after him?
The author goes on to state, "Colonial crimes pale in comparison with the crimes of caste and brahmanism which have victimised, stigmatised and inferiorised the dalit-bahujans (who constitute more than 80 per cent of Indian people) for almost three thousand years."
The book brings out how the caste system, particularly the labelling of the vanquished people as dasyus or shudras and making them virtual slaves in perpetuity, was a diabolical scheme of the Brahmins. This fragmentation of society was found convenient by future conquerors, be it the Muslims or the British, as it prevented Indians from presenting a united front.
One of the most important critics and opposers of the caste system was the Buddha who accepted people of all castes in his sangha freely. Later, Bhakti poets like Kabir and Ramdas were strident critics of the caste system. Actually throughout our history there have been opponents of the system, and in all parts of our country, but a concerted effort seems to have been made to remove their names from our history. Even the name of Emperor Ashoka, who had renounced Brahmanism and embraced Buddhism, had been expunged from Indian history. It had to be re-discovered by James Prinsep in the nineteenth century on the basis of his rock edicts and other foreign records, especially the Ceylon chronicles.
Mani's strongest criticism, however, is reserved for leaders of the National Movement who persistently suppressed the effort of leaders of the weaker sections to make socio-economic empowerment a part of the freedom struggle. Writing of Tilak he states - "In the same vein, opposing the entry of dalit-bahujans in the parliamentary politics, he (Tilak) jeered, 'Will the kunbis [peasants] plough the field and shimpis [tailors] sew clothes in the legislative assembly?'
But it is Gandhiji who is the author's pet peeve. To quote him, " While making some politically correct noises on untouchability, Gandhi was consistently emphatic that an individual's caste was ascribed at the moment of birth, and not to live by one's caste was 'to disregard the law of heredity' because 'varnashrama is inherent in human nature and Hinduism (had) simply reduced it to a science. It is notable that Gandhi was initially opposed even to the temple-entry demand from the depressed classes, and even after his 'change of heart' on this issue, his position remained ambiguous."
Continuing in the same vein, he says, " Gandhi made it clear that he did not have any agenda of civil rights, political power, or economic opportunity for them (the 'Harijans'). His approach was the change of heart and the creation of an 'ideal bhangi', who would continue to clean the excreta of others... in a spirit of duty and service" which would earn for him the status equal to a Brahmin's.
The book is well-researched and sources are mentioned throughout, giving it credibility.
We were taught that "ancient India'' was globally admired as "sonay ki chidia" or that one man with his soul-force delivered us from evil in 1947. A counter narrative is very much needed to move us from hagiography to history. Well researched books like this one provide such a counter narrative. One does not need to agree with all that such writers argue, but we do need to hear the "witness for the prosecution" to get a truer picture of our history.
July 7, 2021
Why some reformers are being marketed more while others are hidden? Why removing inequality is being a struggle in India? Who is benefitting from it? Why are most of us aren't able to see through this lie? Why isn't that even a priority for us? Why do we like blaming the poor people or soft targets for all our problems?
This book managed to answer most of these questions I had, if not all. The writing is simple and flows from one chapter to another smoothly. Though it might seem very opinionated this is a perspective that every one of us should know!
This book managed to answer most of these questions I had, if not all. The writing is simple and flows from one chapter to another smoothly. Though it might seem very opinionated this is a perspective that every one of us should know!
August 10, 2021
Many authors who discuss dalit-bahujan issues in their work mention facts or reasons that debrahmanise history. This is a book that does it throughout its chapters. From discussing and dissecting Hindu religious texts to history of Indian independence, this book provides how the history has been biased or made to be so, not merely in written texts by the historians, but also when it was in the making.
June 17, 2021
Detailed account on the caste politics from Aryan invasion to British colonialism and post partition. How caste politics has evolved in India and why is it still there. A must read for a first time reader on the caste system and Brahman dominamce, also how nationalism is playing its part in keeping the Caste politics alive.
August 9, 2020
This is an amazing analysis of resistance to Caste and its form during the various phases of Indian history - right from Ancient India to "modern" India.
August 20, 2025
This book is FIRE! I particularly appreciated the Appendix on "Parallel Fascist thinking in East and West: Manu's 'brahman' and Nietzsche's 'superman'". The chapter contextualizing the Buddhist history of the subcontinent is so helpful! The chapter detailing the commitment of pre-Independence India nationalist 'leaders' to caste and textual, ritual and scriptural justifications of caste is super important. I would recommend reading this book along with G. Aloysius' 'The Brahmanical Inscribed in Body-Politic' and Jesús F. Cháirez-Garza's 'Rethinking Untouchability: The political thought of B.R. Ambedkar'. I am also thinking a lot about the publishers and distributors of anti-caste books post 1990s - the political-economy and socio-cultural capital of the publishing industry in India - who owns them, where they are situated etc....
Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews