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The Urban Indian Experience in America
As the first ethnohistory of modern urban Indians, this perceptive study looks at Indians from many tribes living in cities throughout the United States. Fixico has had unparalleled access to Native Americans, particularly their contemporary oral tradition. Through firsthand observations, interviews, and conventional historical sources, he has been able to assess the major impact urbanization has had on Indians and see how they have come to terms with both the negative and enriching aspects of living in cities. The result is an insightful and empathetic account of how Indian identity is sustained in cities. Today two-thirds of all Indians live in cities. Many of these urban Indians are third- or fourth-generation city dwellers, the descendants of those who first came to urban areas during the federal government's push for relocation from the late 1940s through the 1960s. Fixico looks at both groups of urban Native Americans--those who first settled in cities some fifty years ago and those who have grown up there in the past thirty years--and finds in their experiences a record of survival and adaptation. Fixico offers a new view of urban Indians, one centered on questions of how their modern identity emerges and perseveres. He shows how the corrosive effects of cultural alienation, alcoholism, poor health services, unemployment, and ghetto housing are slowly being overcome, particularly since the 1970s. After fifty years of urban experiences, Native Americans living in cities are better able today than at any other time to balance tradition and modernity.
- GenresHistoryNonfiction
265 pages, Paperback
First published December 1, 1989
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December 15, 2015
A Must-Read for those interested in Urban Indians
The Urban Indian Experience in America aims to discuss how relocation has shaped, altered, and forever changed American Indian lifestyles by creating urban Indian communities. Fixico weaves together both first person accounts, intergenerational oral stories, and qualitative and quantitative data in order to construct a book that focuses on what it means to be an urban Indian in the past, present, and the future. During the late 1940s and the early 1950s, American Indians experiences “migrations to the cities” during the relocation period, which was part of a larger program of assimilation against American Indian peoples (Fixico 9). During this period, American Indian men, women, and families were, through government assisted programs, able to move to urban cities in the hopes of obtaining jobs, prospering, and becoming part of the “American Dream” by leaving their reservation lifestyles behind. However, as Fixico suggests throughout his research, these relocation programs often had negative consequences and unfulfilled promises.
Fixico’s work is divided into several sections, making it accessible for those that are not familiar with American Indian relocation, although this is an excellent resource for those working in American Indian Studies programs. The first section is dedicated to “The Relocation Program” and offers insight into how the program of removing Indians from the reservation and into cities was established. Based on a similar program used by the War Relocation Authority after World War II, which had relocated “Japanese-Americans from the California coast to secure inland areas,” the program itself aimed to support Indians that wanted to travel to cities to earn better wages (Fixico 10). While Fixico provides direct data from several sources, some of his best descriptions of the relocation process come directly from individuals that underwent relocation. By adding these unique voices, a deeper understanding is included within the text.
Though individuals that relocated were often promised work, there was no guarantee that work would be fruitful, continuous, or prosperous. As Fixico notes, “relocatees were too often places in seasonal railroad and agricultural work, the lowest paying and least secure type of employment” (12). This effectively led to many American Indians feeling societal pressures, racism, self-doubt, and poverty despite the goals of the relocation program to become successful in urban cities like Chicago, Gallup, Phoenix, and Muskogee (Fixico 12). In truth, there were many problems with the relocation program. Employers often found that American Indian relocatees were under-educated and they “usually laid off relocatees first due to their lack of job experience or seniority” (Fixico 19). Many family groups that had entered urban areas were forced to leave their children home alone while both parents worked and, unable to meet ends meet, “three out of ten relocatees returned to their home communities” (Fixico 20). Common stereotypes were also a large factor, and “drunkenness, arrests, marital problems, and poor health” were additional reasons that employers refused to hire American Indian relocatees during this time period (Fixico 21).
Fixico delves into stereotypes and self-concepts in his second chapter. Often, he relies upon American Indian individuals to tell their own stories to support his claims that the “stereotyped image of the ‘urban Indian’ has had a lingering effect” on American Indian self-identity (Fixico 29). These sections are highly beneficial, because rather than just suggest how American Indians alter their own identity based on stereotypes and negative perceptions held against them, these individuals are able to speak for themselves. In this chapter, transculturation theory is discussed and used, which is potentially problematic in a contemporary setting. Since the chapter is entirely about navigating stereotypes, it seems that using a theory from 1947, which does not have a Native lens, is problematic because it continues to frame Fixico’s argument from a Western-theory standpoint. Though this theory does shed pertinent information on urban Indian identity, this may not be the best or most contemporary theory to examine the way in which individuals became “urbanized” or adopted “the lifestyle of the urban mainstream” during relocation (Fixico 29). What is apparent, however, is the fact that American Indians often “rationalize their inadequacies, blame their continual unemployment on outside sources, and assert that the dominant society has discriminated against them” (Fixico 37).
Even though urban relocation was detrimental when American Indians first encountered these new meccas, there are plenty of examples of how American Indians were able to adapt. First and foremost, family remained a key element within urban communities and every “family member played a vital role in Indian society, whether on the reservation or in the city” (Fixico 47). Families supported one another, regardless of blood relation, in urban settings and “social interaction is increasing among tribes in urban areas” (Fixico 57). By maintaining individual tribal identities, American Indians were able to retain their connection to their tribes. However, in urban settings there were often numerous relocatees that came from different tribes that shared little-to-nothing in common. This led to the eventual addition of pan-Indian identity within urban communities, during which time “tribal nations crossed tribal barriers for unique situations or particular needs, for political reasons second, social concerns third, and then for economics” (Fixico 124).
Yet as presented in the text, Pan-Indianism is two-fold, and can be both positive and negative depending on how Fixico wishes to view this phenomenon during different areas of his writing. Pan-Indianism can be a highly effective way for American Indians to gather together and voice concerns for large issues that alter all of Indian Country—which Fixico presents in his chapter on “Pan-Indianism and Sociopolitical Organizations.” However, at other times Fixico condemns Pan-Indianism because it takes away emphasis from viewing concerns through a tribally specific lens. Perhaps the term “pan-Indianism” is a complex term that can indeed be presented with both a positive and a negative connotation, however, Fixico does not delve into the terminology. Since Fixico fails to explain how this word/concept can be addressed in various ways, it is up to the readers to make these determinations for themselves, which seems problematic since the focus of this research is to help shed light upon issues of relocation to the “average” audience. In this area, Fixico fails to orient the reader, which is unfortunate.
The research continually shows how detrimental the relocation program was for American Indian individuals. Though this is the case, there are moments where the narrative becomes somewhat depressing, and unfortunately tends to inadvertently suggest that there is little hope for contemporary urban Indians. In one chapter, Fixico suggests that “Urban Indians should also concentrate on the positive aspects of their cultural identity to help initiate positive stereotypes about American Indians in cities,” yet the narrative itself never takes this suggestion to heart (41). Throughout the chapter in question, only the negative aspects of relocation, stereotypes, and identity are emphasized. Similarly, Fixico continues to discuss the negative consequences of Indian youths that grow up isolated from their culture—yet fails to consider that some youths do not choose isolation, but their parents have isolated them, or there is no physical way to travel back to the reservation. Fixico offers not positive suggestion of how these youths can connect to their own identity, to their tribal identity, or even to a Pan-Indian identity. Instead, it seems like these youths are condemned. Not to mention, despite mentioning change, Fixico then posits: “Unfortunately the negative stereotypes of urban Indians will remain basically the same” (41).
This research is much needed, as little has been writing on the urban Indian experience, and for that this work should be features throughout American Indian Studies, history, contemporary studies, urban studies, and contemporary history courses. Fixico makes most of his research approachable by both academics and non-academics alike, which is a positive. Yet there are moments where the negative is emphasized, despite a call to adapt and create positive representations of urban identity, and in these moments the research becomes hard to engage with. For American Indian Studies students, the concept of “urban Indian identity” will not be new, but what makes this work unique is the fact that Fixico inserts personal experiences, narratives, and oral stories from those who faced relocation in the 1940s and 1950s in between hard-data research. But for those unfamiliar with urban Indians and the relocation program this will undoubtedly be a worthwhile read. As Fixico shows, though American Indians were promised the “American Dream” during the relocation era, they often found themselves in an urban setting separated from their family, without employment and money, and facing external and internal racism, all while waiting for empty promises to be fulfilled.
Note: This review was also submitted to the University of Arizona as a reaction paper to this novel for the course American Indian Studies 515: Urban Indians in Fall 2015
The Urban Indian Experience in America aims to discuss how relocation has shaped, altered, and forever changed American Indian lifestyles by creating urban Indian communities. Fixico weaves together both first person accounts, intergenerational oral stories, and qualitative and quantitative data in order to construct a book that focuses on what it means to be an urban Indian in the past, present, and the future. During the late 1940s and the early 1950s, American Indians experiences “migrations to the cities” during the relocation period, which was part of a larger program of assimilation against American Indian peoples (Fixico 9). During this period, American Indian men, women, and families were, through government assisted programs, able to move to urban cities in the hopes of obtaining jobs, prospering, and becoming part of the “American Dream” by leaving their reservation lifestyles behind. However, as Fixico suggests throughout his research, these relocation programs often had negative consequences and unfulfilled promises.
Fixico’s work is divided into several sections, making it accessible for those that are not familiar with American Indian relocation, although this is an excellent resource for those working in American Indian Studies programs. The first section is dedicated to “The Relocation Program” and offers insight into how the program of removing Indians from the reservation and into cities was established. Based on a similar program used by the War Relocation Authority after World War II, which had relocated “Japanese-Americans from the California coast to secure inland areas,” the program itself aimed to support Indians that wanted to travel to cities to earn better wages (Fixico 10). While Fixico provides direct data from several sources, some of his best descriptions of the relocation process come directly from individuals that underwent relocation. By adding these unique voices, a deeper understanding is included within the text.
Though individuals that relocated were often promised work, there was no guarantee that work would be fruitful, continuous, or prosperous. As Fixico notes, “relocatees were too often places in seasonal railroad and agricultural work, the lowest paying and least secure type of employment” (12). This effectively led to many American Indians feeling societal pressures, racism, self-doubt, and poverty despite the goals of the relocation program to become successful in urban cities like Chicago, Gallup, Phoenix, and Muskogee (Fixico 12). In truth, there were many problems with the relocation program. Employers often found that American Indian relocatees were under-educated and they “usually laid off relocatees first due to their lack of job experience or seniority” (Fixico 19). Many family groups that had entered urban areas were forced to leave their children home alone while both parents worked and, unable to meet ends meet, “three out of ten relocatees returned to their home communities” (Fixico 20). Common stereotypes were also a large factor, and “drunkenness, arrests, marital problems, and poor health” were additional reasons that employers refused to hire American Indian relocatees during this time period (Fixico 21).
Fixico delves into stereotypes and self-concepts in his second chapter. Often, he relies upon American Indian individuals to tell their own stories to support his claims that the “stereotyped image of the ‘urban Indian’ has had a lingering effect” on American Indian self-identity (Fixico 29). These sections are highly beneficial, because rather than just suggest how American Indians alter their own identity based on stereotypes and negative perceptions held against them, these individuals are able to speak for themselves. In this chapter, transculturation theory is discussed and used, which is potentially problematic in a contemporary setting. Since the chapter is entirely about navigating stereotypes, it seems that using a theory from 1947, which does not have a Native lens, is problematic because it continues to frame Fixico’s argument from a Western-theory standpoint. Though this theory does shed pertinent information on urban Indian identity, this may not be the best or most contemporary theory to examine the way in which individuals became “urbanized” or adopted “the lifestyle of the urban mainstream” during relocation (Fixico 29). What is apparent, however, is the fact that American Indians often “rationalize their inadequacies, blame their continual unemployment on outside sources, and assert that the dominant society has discriminated against them” (Fixico 37).
Even though urban relocation was detrimental when American Indians first encountered these new meccas, there are plenty of examples of how American Indians were able to adapt. First and foremost, family remained a key element within urban communities and every “family member played a vital role in Indian society, whether on the reservation or in the city” (Fixico 47). Families supported one another, regardless of blood relation, in urban settings and “social interaction is increasing among tribes in urban areas” (Fixico 57). By maintaining individual tribal identities, American Indians were able to retain their connection to their tribes. However, in urban settings there were often numerous relocatees that came from different tribes that shared little-to-nothing in common. This led to the eventual addition of pan-Indian identity within urban communities, during which time “tribal nations crossed tribal barriers for unique situations or particular needs, for political reasons second, social concerns third, and then for economics” (Fixico 124).
Yet as presented in the text, Pan-Indianism is two-fold, and can be both positive and negative depending on how Fixico wishes to view this phenomenon during different areas of his writing. Pan-Indianism can be a highly effective way for American Indians to gather together and voice concerns for large issues that alter all of Indian Country—which Fixico presents in his chapter on “Pan-Indianism and Sociopolitical Organizations.” However, at other times Fixico condemns Pan-Indianism because it takes away emphasis from viewing concerns through a tribally specific lens. Perhaps the term “pan-Indianism” is a complex term that can indeed be presented with both a positive and a negative connotation, however, Fixico does not delve into the terminology. Since Fixico fails to explain how this word/concept can be addressed in various ways, it is up to the readers to make these determinations for themselves, which seems problematic since the focus of this research is to help shed light upon issues of relocation to the “average” audience. In this area, Fixico fails to orient the reader, which is unfortunate.
The research continually shows how detrimental the relocation program was for American Indian individuals. Though this is the case, there are moments where the narrative becomes somewhat depressing, and unfortunately tends to inadvertently suggest that there is little hope for contemporary urban Indians. In one chapter, Fixico suggests that “Urban Indians should also concentrate on the positive aspects of their cultural identity to help initiate positive stereotypes about American Indians in cities,” yet the narrative itself never takes this suggestion to heart (41). Throughout the chapter in question, only the negative aspects of relocation, stereotypes, and identity are emphasized. Similarly, Fixico continues to discuss the negative consequences of Indian youths that grow up isolated from their culture—yet fails to consider that some youths do not choose isolation, but their parents have isolated them, or there is no physical way to travel back to the reservation. Fixico offers not positive suggestion of how these youths can connect to their own identity, to their tribal identity, or even to a Pan-Indian identity. Instead, it seems like these youths are condemned. Not to mention, despite mentioning change, Fixico then posits: “Unfortunately the negative stereotypes of urban Indians will remain basically the same” (41).
This research is much needed, as little has been writing on the urban Indian experience, and for that this work should be features throughout American Indian Studies, history, contemporary studies, urban studies, and contemporary history courses. Fixico makes most of his research approachable by both academics and non-academics alike, which is a positive. Yet there are moments where the negative is emphasized, despite a call to adapt and create positive representations of urban identity, and in these moments the research becomes hard to engage with. For American Indian Studies students, the concept of “urban Indian identity” will not be new, but what makes this work unique is the fact that Fixico inserts personal experiences, narratives, and oral stories from those who faced relocation in the 1940s and 1950s in between hard-data research. But for those unfamiliar with urban Indians and the relocation program this will undoubtedly be a worthwhile read. As Fixico shows, though American Indians were promised the “American Dream” during the relocation era, they often found themselves in an urban setting separated from their family, without employment and money, and facing external and internal racism, all while waiting for empty promises to be fulfilled.
Note: This review was also submitted to the University of Arizona as a reaction paper to this novel for the course American Indian Studies 515: Urban Indians in Fall 2015
July 16, 2016
This is the first book in the ethnohistory genre I've read. If you're interested in the urbanization of Native Americans from reservations such as Rosebud, Pine Ridge, and Cherokee, North Carolina -- this book is extremely informative. it at times was hard to read because of the content but became a valuable and priceless resource.
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews