Free Comrades: Anarchism and Homosexuality in the United States, 1895 - 1917
“Through their publications, public lectures, and personal relations, the anarchists acted as conduits for new ideas about human nature and sex. They saw themselves as participants in a transatlantic debate about the moral, ethical, and social place of homosexuality – equal members in an imagined ‘International Institute and Society of Sexology.’ Through their work, anarchists contributed to the remaking of cultural and political representations of homosexuality and to ideas about what role same-sex desires had in the making of the public and the private self.” (151-152)
Terrence Kissack’s Free Comrades is a detailed examination of the anarchist sex-radicals within the United States during the late 19th Century into the early 20th Century. Throughout this same period Western Europe was engaged in international dialogues and debates about same-sex eroticism and relationships. Historically the United States has been said to be absent in these dialogues. Kissack’s book brings out the essential role English-speaking anarchists in the United States played in the larger conversation on homosexuality (or homoeroticsm, intermediate types, homo-sexualists, deviants, fairies, inverts, pederasts, all terms used to describe folks we now use terms like queer, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender for).
If you are looking for some juicy gossip about hot late-night make out sessions between Alexander Berkman and John William Lloyd (as I certainly was) you will be somewhat disappointed as you turn the pages of Free Comrades. It appears that the majority of the anarchist sex radicals enjoyed talking about same-sex eroticism without talking too much or experiencing much, of the sweat, kissing, sucking, touching, tasting, and fucking that, often, goes hand-in-hand with same-sex eroticism. This does not mean Kissack’s writing is not interesting, informative, and essential. It simply means that we need another book, likely a fiction one, including stories of Emma Goldman’s first woman-on-woman anarchist sexual experience.
Kissack boldly states that, “the first sustained US-based consideration of the social, ethical, and cultural place of homosexuality took place within the English-language anarchist movement.”(3) I imagine the current leadership of the racist, classist, transphobic, patriarchal Human Rights Campaign might not want to consider anti-statist, anti-capitalist, revolutionaries as their fore-parents. However, John William Lloyd, Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman, Leonard Abbott, and Benjamin R. Tucker published and presented many articles, speeches, and books about same-sex eroticism between the 1890’s and 1920’s, well before the Kinsey studies or the homophile movement.
Kissack begins the first chapter by providing some explanation of anarchist politics and values for those who are unfamiliar. While his overview is short and incomplete it provides enough information for liberal queers who may want to learn some of their long-silenced queer history. The differences between individualist and communist anarchists were over-simplified, to a point I think may anger some contemporary anarchist communists. However, his sentence summary of anarchism would make a good introduction to an elevator speech on anarchism, “[T:]he basic principles of self-rule, freedom of individual expression, opposition to hierarchy, and the defense of social and individual dissent were the essential heart of anarchism.”(19) Kissack also details for readers some of the differences between sex radical anarchists such as Emma Goldman and sex negative misogynists such As Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Sex radical anarchists were challenged for “wasting critical resources speaking on topics of secondary importance… the issue of economic injustice was of paramount importance.”(28), not unlike the same debates that happen today around “identity politics”.
The following two chapters focus on Oscar Wilde, Walt Whitman, and the anarchist response to these two men, their writing, sexuality, and persecution. Both Wilde and Whitman had ongoing friendships and influence in anarchist politics. They each had significant critiques of anarchism and anarchists leading to great criticism of both by some anarchists. Kissack explores the anarchist defense of Wilde and Whitman in numerous ways. Oscar Wilde’s sentence of two years hard labor for committing “acts of gross indecency with men” galvanized significant support from anarchists and forced a conversation of anarchist politics in relationship to homoerotic sex/uality. Public defenses by anarchists such as Lloyd, Goldman, and Tucker depended strongly on the connection of Wilde and Whitman with normative masculine standards of manhood. Lloyd argued that, “same-sex passion is quintessentially manly.”(77) He did so as anarchists and others continuously disparaged “effeminate men and fairies.” Unfortunately the anarchists at the time either did not recognize the misogyny in their negative attitudes toward femme men or did not care that they were perpetuating systems of patriarchy with their actions. Kissack, as the historian, does not bring much of a critical analysis to the anarchists’ dependence on masculine gender-normativity for their defense of actual individuals engaged in homoerotic relationships.
The longest chapter is devoted to “prison and the politics of homosexuality”, primarily focused on Berkman’s Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist. Berkman details his own transition from homophobe when he entered the prison to an advocate for homoerotic relationships by the end of his sentence. He even referred to, “love between inmates as a form of resistance to the spirit-crushing environment of prison.” (102) Kissack suggests that Berkman’s memoirs is, “one of the most important political texts dealing with homosexuality to have been written by an American before the 1950’s.” (102) Early in his memoir Berkman confuses coercive sexual abuse with homosexuality. Later he develops a better understanding of consent, deeply informed by his anarchism, and thus significantly alters his understanding of sexual relationships in prison. To communicate his politics on homosexuality Berkman creates a character, George, with whom he has an extensive conversation, one of the most thorough and detailed positive explorations of homosexuality published at the time. In their conversation Berkman very clearly distinguishes between coercive abuse and consensual homoerotic relationships. He specifically examines age difference, love, and butch/femme (not the language he would use) relationship norms. Unfortunately it appears as though Berkman was not actually sex-positive. He even refers to the prospects of penetrative, oral or anal, sex as “desecrating” another. One is left to wonder if Berkman’s relationships with the two younger prisoners he details actually were as physically platonic as he alleges.
Kissack does have a chapter in which he attempts to make up for leaving out lesbians in the majority of his writing. Unfortunately his attempt is quite weak and is instead somewhat insulting and patriarchal. Certainly patriarchy impacted the anarchists between 1895 and 1917 but I am sure there must be more available for historical review than what Kissack presents to the reader. Kissack does, however, detail a somewhat homoerotic relationship between Goldman and one of her admirers, Almeda Sperry. Sperry had both female and male lovers and deeply longed for a relationship with Goldman. There is some question about whether or not the two of them ever engaged in any physical expressions of intimacy, but their letters provide deeply erotic imagery, especially on the part of Sperry. One has to assume that the majority of the anarchists’ discussion about support of same-sex relationships between men applied equally to women as men.
Free Comrades provides an important examination of a history largely forgotten and/or unknown by both anarchists and the mainstream queer/GLB/trans movements. This book is a reminder to anarchists that we need to honor and celebrate queer/GLB/trans folks in our ranks and struggle to lift those voices up. This book is also a reminder to us that we need to present an alternative to the mainstream gay/lesbian movement especially for queer/GLB/trans young people. As the same-sex marriage movement continues to gain momentum the politics presented in this book give us an outlet to challenge the current priorities of assimilationist gay/lesbian organizations.
The history in this book is far from complete. There is much we need to continue to learn and find out about gender-nonconforming anarchists, lesbians, and other queers of any gender. While there is much to learn from these sex radical anarchists we also need to challenge a great deal of their sexual politics. Sex is nothing for us to be ashamed of. As a queer anarchist I want to see my sexuality validated as something more than just a really great friendship. Until recently when I had sex with my lover I was committing an act of civil disobedience. Our contemporary sex radicalism needs to include a little more sex in it. Take some time, read this book, and let us learn from the past so we can create something better for today.
~Jason Lydon