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Paisley: Religion and Politics in Northern Ireland
The career of the Revd Ian Paisley raises vital questions about the links between religion and politics in the modern world. Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party and led both to success, so that he effectively has a veto over political developments in Northern Ireland. Steve Bruce draws on over 20 years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people to describe and explain Paisleyism. In this clearly written account, Bruce charts Paisley's movement from the maverick fringes to the centre of Ulster politics and discusses in detail the changes in his party that accompanied its rise. At the heart of this account are vital questions for modern societies. How can religion and politics mix? Do different religions produce different sorts of politics? What is clear is that Paisley's people are not jihadis intent on imposing their religion on the unGodly. For all that religion plays a vital part in Paisley's personal political drive and explains some of his success,
he plays by the rules of liberal democracy.
he plays by the rules of liberal democracy.
311 pages, Hardcover
First published July 1, 2007
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31 people want to read
About the author
Steve Bruce
55 books11 followersSteve Bruce (born 1951), Professor of Sociology at the University of Aberdeen since 1991, elected a Fellow of the British Academy in 2003 and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 2005, he has written extensively on the nature of religion in the modern world and on the links between religion and politics.
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Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews
September 9, 2013
I have very mixed feelings about this book.
On one hand, there is no denying that Ian Paisley has had an enormous impact on Northern Irish politics over the last half-century and deserves the academic attention that his republican counterparts have received.
On the other hand, on a personal level, the man disgusts me in just about every possible way, and this book is very firmly sympathetic.
Two things that really bothered me about the bias in this book - first, the assertion that Paisley and the bigoted bile he spewed did nothing whatsoever to inflame the political situation in Northern Ireland. This is absolutely ridiculous. It may very well be that he has no ties to paramilitary groups. But spewing hate and intolerance into a supercharged atmosphere is far from being an innocent act.
Secondly, I was disgusted by the feeling at the end of the book. It felt that the author was attempting to make Paisley and the DUP out to be the saviors of the peace process when they had spent decades trying to undermine it, blaming the political problems since 2003 on nearly everyone except the majority party in the province.
All in all a maddening but interesting book.
On one hand, there is no denying that Ian Paisley has had an enormous impact on Northern Irish politics over the last half-century and deserves the academic attention that his republican counterparts have received.
On the other hand, on a personal level, the man disgusts me in just about every possible way, and this book is very firmly sympathetic.
Two things that really bothered me about the bias in this book - first, the assertion that Paisley and the bigoted bile he spewed did nothing whatsoever to inflame the political situation in Northern Ireland. This is absolutely ridiculous. It may very well be that he has no ties to paramilitary groups. But spewing hate and intolerance into a supercharged atmosphere is far from being an innocent act.
Secondly, I was disgusted by the feeling at the end of the book. It felt that the author was attempting to make Paisley and the DUP out to be the saviors of the peace process when they had spent decades trying to undermine it, blaming the political problems since 2003 on nearly everyone except the majority party in the province.
All in all a maddening but interesting book.
March 19, 2022
This book is an empathetic analysis of the religious and political career of Ian Paisley. Some have faulted the author for being far too sympathetic to his subject. I am not entirely convinced that this criticism is fair. Steve Bruce shows a level of understanding of the evangelical religion of both Ian Paisley, the Ulster Free Presbyterians, and conservative evangelicals more generally that is often missing in secular authors. To be honest, most comments complaining of the author's bias in favour of his subject probably reflect their own biases against the subject of this book.
Professor Bruce excels at explaining differing shades of opinion among Ulster evangelicals, who agreed with much of the Free Presbyterian Church's ethos, yet rejected its separatism. In like manner, he also delineates how many right-wing unionists and members of the Orange Order could feel more at home voting for the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) rather than for Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). Despite the frosty relationship between both the Free Presbyterians and the DUP with the Orange Order, this relationship thawed following the Belfast Agreement in 1998 to the point that an Orangeman is now much more likely to be a DUP voter than a UUP one.
My only major criticism of the book is that I think the author downplays Paisley's links with the Loyalist paramilitaries a little too much. Obviously, I agree that Paisley did not advocate sectarian murders nor much else that is associated with these groupings, but he did flirt with the paramilitaries in a manner that was out of place for both a constitutional politician and a Christian minister.
One minor point that is perhaps not highlighted sufficiently is that some conservative evangelicals in other denominations regard the Free Presbyterians as being too loose on some subjects (baptism, for instance), and too strict on others (the King James Version, total abstinence, and other issues relating to Christian liberty). These points aside, this biography of Ian Paisley is well-worth reading for anyone interested in either Irish history or twentieth-century evangelicalism.
Professor Bruce excels at explaining differing shades of opinion among Ulster evangelicals, who agreed with much of the Free Presbyterian Church's ethos, yet rejected its separatism. In like manner, he also delineates how many right-wing unionists and members of the Orange Order could feel more at home voting for the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) rather than for Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). Despite the frosty relationship between both the Free Presbyterians and the DUP with the Orange Order, this relationship thawed following the Belfast Agreement in 1998 to the point that an Orangeman is now much more likely to be a DUP voter than a UUP one.
My only major criticism of the book is that I think the author downplays Paisley's links with the Loyalist paramilitaries a little too much. Obviously, I agree that Paisley did not advocate sectarian murders nor much else that is associated with these groupings, but he did flirt with the paramilitaries in a manner that was out of place for both a constitutional politician and a Christian minister.
One minor point that is perhaps not highlighted sufficiently is that some conservative evangelicals in other denominations regard the Free Presbyterians as being too loose on some subjects (baptism, for instance), and too strict on others (the King James Version, total abstinence, and other issues relating to Christian liberty). These points aside, this biography of Ian Paisley is well-worth reading for anyone interested in either Irish history or twentieth-century evangelicalism.
June 27, 2015
This biography was well written and sympathetic (in the right kind of way) and I learned a ton about Northern Ireland as well as the political scene in the province. I wish the book had been longer to be honest, I get the feeling a lot had to be edited out.
Recommended.
Recommended.
June 23, 2018
It is impossible to understand the Northern Irish Loyalist mentality without understanding Protestantism. And it is impossible to understand Northern Irish Protestantism without acknowledging the colossal influence of the Reverend Ian Paisley upon it. Without a doubt Ian Paisley was one of the most successful and controversial politicians in the United Kingdom in the latter half of the 20th Century. The founder of the hard-line Democratic Unionist Party, he was continually voted into the British Parliament, the Northern Ireland Assembly and the European Parliament, before eventually becoming First Minister of Northern Ireland. He also holds the unique distinction of not only founding a political party but also his own church which now has congregations across the world. Along with few other others, Paisley name has lent itself to an ‘ism’, and the impact of Paisleyism upon Northern Ireland and its role in The Troubles is explored is this engrossing account of his life and beliefs.
Steve Bruce does a compelling job in contrasting Paisley with the zeitgeist of the much of the western world. While politics and religion are increasingly separated in most developed nations, Pailsey scorned such a concept, brewing together British Unionism, Protestant Fundamentalism and paranoid anti-Catholicism. This potent mixture, delivered with the bellicose ferocity for which Paisley was famous, clearly tapped into the consciousness of a large section of the Ulster Protestant community. The success of Paisley is largely down to the siege mentality of many Ulster Protestant and Bruce discusses the attitudes, fears and concerns of this community in a serious and respectful manner.
While in many ways it is impossible to separate Paisley the hell-and-damnation preacher, Paisley the street politician, and Paisley as a human being, Bruce is able to flesh Paisley out significantly more than the one-dimensional public persona usually seen. His hatred for the Catholic Church was real enough, but the actions suggest a sincerity when claiming he didn’t hate individual Catholics. The grudging respect given to him by Catholic constituents who acknowledged him as a hard-working and reliable politician willing to listen to their individual concerns is testimony to this. On the other hand, with the bombastic rhetoric he directed at priests, most famously heckling Pope John Paul II as the Antichrist, it is hardly surprising that many Catholics lost the finer distinctions Paisley made in hating their treasured beliefs rather than hating them as persons. His flirtation with anti-Catholic paramilitary organizations clearly didn’t help either. Nevertheless, their clearly was a personable side to Paisley that was often lost amidst the hostilities.
Thankfully much has changed in the last few years in Northern Ireland. Unquestionably this had much to do with Paisley willing to reconsider his cry of ‘Never!’ and enter into discussions with his political enemies. Why he finally chose to do this will be discussed for years to come but, after years of rabble-rousing menace to the establishment, Paisley finally entered into the political mainstream and, in collusion with Sinn Fein, brought a level of stability to Northern Ireland. In doing so did Paisley bring Paisleyism as a political force to an end? This awaits to be seen.
This is an excellent, highly-readable piece of work. Steve Bruce has written what will likely be considered the definitive biography of Ian Paisley and Paisleyism. This is essential reading for anyone seeking to advance their knowledge of The Troubles.
Steve Bruce does a compelling job in contrasting Paisley with the zeitgeist of the much of the western world. While politics and religion are increasingly separated in most developed nations, Pailsey scorned such a concept, brewing together British Unionism, Protestant Fundamentalism and paranoid anti-Catholicism. This potent mixture, delivered with the bellicose ferocity for which Paisley was famous, clearly tapped into the consciousness of a large section of the Ulster Protestant community. The success of Paisley is largely down to the siege mentality of many Ulster Protestant and Bruce discusses the attitudes, fears and concerns of this community in a serious and respectful manner.
While in many ways it is impossible to separate Paisley the hell-and-damnation preacher, Paisley the street politician, and Paisley as a human being, Bruce is able to flesh Paisley out significantly more than the one-dimensional public persona usually seen. His hatred for the Catholic Church was real enough, but the actions suggest a sincerity when claiming he didn’t hate individual Catholics. The grudging respect given to him by Catholic constituents who acknowledged him as a hard-working and reliable politician willing to listen to their individual concerns is testimony to this. On the other hand, with the bombastic rhetoric he directed at priests, most famously heckling Pope John Paul II as the Antichrist, it is hardly surprising that many Catholics lost the finer distinctions Paisley made in hating their treasured beliefs rather than hating them as persons. His flirtation with anti-Catholic paramilitary organizations clearly didn’t help either. Nevertheless, their clearly was a personable side to Paisley that was often lost amidst the hostilities.
Thankfully much has changed in the last few years in Northern Ireland. Unquestionably this had much to do with Paisley willing to reconsider his cry of ‘Never!’ and enter into discussions with his political enemies. Why he finally chose to do this will be discussed for years to come but, after years of rabble-rousing menace to the establishment, Paisley finally entered into the political mainstream and, in collusion with Sinn Fein, brought a level of stability to Northern Ireland. In doing so did Paisley bring Paisleyism as a political force to an end? This awaits to be seen.
This is an excellent, highly-readable piece of work. Steve Bruce has written what will likely be considered the definitive biography of Ian Paisley and Paisleyism. This is essential reading for anyone seeking to advance their knowledge of The Troubles.
June 10, 2017
I had this book on my 'to read pile' and would have turned to it in time, but suddenly - on 9th June 2017 - it leapt to my attention as Theresa May announced her desire to form a government with the support of the Democratic Unionist Party, which of course was Paisley's bequest to our political zoo. It is suddenly a hot issue to take a closer look at this party, so tiny in UK terms (10 Parliamentary seats from 650) but so crucial to the power sharing agreement that stands between the people of Ulster and a return to barbarism.
In order to understand Paisley's career it is necessary to accept the internal logic and the local context through which it unfolded over more than sixty turbulent years. This book takes seriously his religious and his political opinions and seeks some explanation for the trajectory of this career. It is not, therefore, as angy as it might have been, does not dwell as severely as it might have done on his failings and his share of responsibility for the mayhem around him. Similarly, it describes his evangelical and puritanical religious doctrines in respectful tones, on the basis that it is necessary to appreciate them if we are to understand how they shaped Paisley's contribution to Ulster's political and cultural life. It evaluates many of the key allegations that have been levelled against Paisley [especially the degree of his responsibility, if any, for sectarian violence] and delivers verdicts that are arguably generous but not without support. It gives a number of insights into the nature of the power sharing agreement which produced a ceasefire, disarming and commitment to democratic politics on the part of the key Catholic and Protestant terrorist groups. It describes Paisley's final incarnation as one half of the Chuckle Brothers, working alongside Martin McGuinesss to make a serious stab at building a new and inclusive politics for Ulster. Finally, it remarks on his legacy, with the rueful suggestion that the Democratic Unionist Party is less effective with his departure, while the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster is still prospering but working in less fertile soil, competing with both growing secularism and new, charismatic Christian rivals.
Paisley is a divisive figure in recent Irish and British history, a euphemistic appraisal by any standard. It is worth taking the trouble to appreciate him on his own terms, before returning to the unavoidable battle of ideas. This book lowers the heat and permits a calm appraisal. It does not demand our agreement - only our attention. I found it well worth reading.
To return to my opening comment, the conclusion I reach is that Theresa May is not well advised to lend the DUP such a priviliged and powerful position in UK politics. If their support for her failing government produces a focus on all their most unpleasant qualities, and that is necessary and unavoidable in its context, this is really not a desirable situation at all and it is not healthy for the people and politics of Ulster. It is so easy to breed hate and so hard to build trust.
In order to understand Paisley's career it is necessary to accept the internal logic and the local context through which it unfolded over more than sixty turbulent years. This book takes seriously his religious and his political opinions and seeks some explanation for the trajectory of this career. It is not, therefore, as angy as it might have been, does not dwell as severely as it might have done on his failings and his share of responsibility for the mayhem around him. Similarly, it describes his evangelical and puritanical religious doctrines in respectful tones, on the basis that it is necessary to appreciate them if we are to understand how they shaped Paisley's contribution to Ulster's political and cultural life. It evaluates many of the key allegations that have been levelled against Paisley [especially the degree of his responsibility, if any, for sectarian violence] and delivers verdicts that are arguably generous but not without support. It gives a number of insights into the nature of the power sharing agreement which produced a ceasefire, disarming and commitment to democratic politics on the part of the key Catholic and Protestant terrorist groups. It describes Paisley's final incarnation as one half of the Chuckle Brothers, working alongside Martin McGuinesss to make a serious stab at building a new and inclusive politics for Ulster. Finally, it remarks on his legacy, with the rueful suggestion that the Democratic Unionist Party is less effective with his departure, while the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster is still prospering but working in less fertile soil, competing with both growing secularism and new, charismatic Christian rivals.
Paisley is a divisive figure in recent Irish and British history, a euphemistic appraisal by any standard. It is worth taking the trouble to appreciate him on his own terms, before returning to the unavoidable battle of ideas. This book lowers the heat and permits a calm appraisal. It does not demand our agreement - only our attention. I found it well worth reading.
To return to my opening comment, the conclusion I reach is that Theresa May is not well advised to lend the DUP such a priviliged and powerful position in UK politics. If their support for her failing government produces a focus on all their most unpleasant qualities, and that is necessary and unavoidable in its context, this is really not a desirable situation at all and it is not healthy for the people and politics of Ulster. It is so easy to breed hate and so hard to build trust.
May 13, 2019
I came at this work as an American trying to learn more about Ian Paisley’s Free Presbyterian Church, and frankly, I began with fairly low expectations for a book written by a British sociologist. Nevertheless, I was quickly and pleasantly surprised to discover that Bruce knows his craft and that despite his academic credentials, he carefully delineates Paisley’s religious beliefs and treats them with respect.
As Bruce early notes, Ian Paisley is unique, the only person in modern Europe to have founded both a church and a political party, both of which have demonstrated remarkable influence in Ulster and beyond. Bruce first establishes the historical background that made the emergence of Paisley possible, presents a brief biography of his early years, and then treats the creation and beliefs of the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU).
Two chapters describe the rise of Paisley’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) from its marginal beginnings to its current position as most popular Protestant party in Northern Ireland; and succeeding chapters discuss the maturing of the FPCU and its interaction with the DUP. Finally, Bruce discusses the (non)-connection between Paisley and Ulster violence and concludes that despite Paisley’s fondness for Old Testament rhetoric, his political views are “entirely conventional” for a modern democratic state.
It is no criticism to note that this volume is written for British readers and that those who say, find the politics of Alabama perfectly comprehensible may discover Ulster affairs of state more alien than they had anticipated. For instance, prospective readers might wish to check the definition of the term “ginger group” before they begin.
As Bruce early notes, Ian Paisley is unique, the only person in modern Europe to have founded both a church and a political party, both of which have demonstrated remarkable influence in Ulster and beyond. Bruce first establishes the historical background that made the emergence of Paisley possible, presents a brief biography of his early years, and then treats the creation and beliefs of the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU).
Two chapters describe the rise of Paisley’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) from its marginal beginnings to its current position as most popular Protestant party in Northern Ireland; and succeeding chapters discuss the maturing of the FPCU and its interaction with the DUP. Finally, Bruce discusses the (non)-connection between Paisley and Ulster violence and concludes that despite Paisley’s fondness for Old Testament rhetoric, his political views are “entirely conventional” for a modern democratic state.
It is no criticism to note that this volume is written for British readers and that those who say, find the politics of Alabama perfectly comprehensible may discover Ulster affairs of state more alien than they had anticipated. For instance, prospective readers might wish to check the definition of the term “ginger group” before they begin.
April 24, 2022
I have very mixed feelings about this book. On one hand, there is no denying that Ian Paisley has had an enormous impact on Northern Irish politics over the last half-century and deserves the academic attention that his republican counterparts have received. On the other hand, on a personal level, the man disgusts me in just about every possible way, and this book is very firmly sympathetic. Two things that really bothered me about the bias in this book - first, the assertion that Paisley and the bigoted bile he spewed did nothing whatsoever to inflame the political situation in Northern Ireland. This is absolutely ridiculous. It may very well be that he has no ties to paramilitary groups. But spewing hate and intolerance into a supercharged atmosphere is far from being an innocent act. Secondly, I was disgusted by the feeling at the end of the book. It felt that the author was attempting to make Paisley and the DUP out to be the saviors of the peace process when they had spent decades trying to undermine it, blaming the political problems since 2003 on nearly everyone except the majority party in the province. All in all a maddening but interesting book.
February 4, 2017
a rather too friendly portrayal of Paisley, which doesn't cover his assuming the Ministership. Lots of interesting facts, and deflates some myths, but is far too apologetic of Paisley overall. Plus, the author has the habit of referring to all his previous books very often
Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews