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1344 pages, Hardcover
Published November 25, 2025
Adam Smith observed this moment more perceptively than almost anyone else. His analysis stripped that world of what he perceived to be its contaminants—power, violence, the state, among other seemingly superfluous nutrients—and focused on a nearly divine spark of utility-maximizing individuals spontaneously creating a more productive society by focusing on their self-interests. He loudly dismissed all the historical essence of capitalism’s root, trunk, and leaves as blemishes, consigning slavery, state-sponsored monopolies, and colonizing empires to the margins while forcefully condemning them. Smith thus sealed his place as the hero of capitalism’s triumphant self-remembrance.
The quintessential story of machine breaking, which we encountered earlier, was that of the Luddites in northern England—handloom weavers who burned and smashed machinery during the 1810s, only to be met by an 1812 law that made machine breaking a capital crime, resulting in executions and the forced exile of the rebels to various colonies. Similar movements characterized all areas of fledgling factory production. In the early 1840s, workers in Prague and Bohemia broke textile machinery that threatened their jobs. In the Ottoman Empire, machine breaking was an important way that workers made their voices heard, as in 1839, when women in Dobri Zhelyazkov’s factory in Sliven, Rumelia, wrecked machinery. In 1851, women in a Samokov textile factory attempted to destroy power looms, and in 1861, workers in Bursa set an entire factory ablaze.
IN THE DISTANT future, if we manage to get there, historians not yet born will look back at our civilization in all the ways we now look at civilizations gone by before us. They will find it difficult to understand our ways of thinking, and our ways of being. They might celebrate us for our accomplishments or blame us for the long aftereffects of the world we created. They may struggle to grasp why we made sacrifices to a human-created god that threatened our species’ very existence. They might ask how we could have allowed an infinitesimal minority of the world’s people to control so much of our resources. They might have difficulty understanding how we allowed for deprivation in the midst of unprecedented abundance.
In Islamic societies, the market inspector, the muhtasib, served as the guarantor of the morality of exchange in the marketplace. Indeed, the morality of making a profit from trade and from investing capital was negotiated in myriad ways across societies, but a common throughline was the idea that profiteering and greed were reprehensible and should be prevented.
Amsterdam’s merchants, like their Potosí counterparts, had commercialized life so much that in 1668, Dutch author Adriaan Koerbagh lamented how “all the time spent differently from making money, no matter how it is spent, is (it seems) considered by people to be lost time.”
In South Africa, colonial authorities required Indigenous peoples to pay high taxes that they had difficulty affording—thus forcing them into contractual labor.[97] As a British prime minster argued when putting forth this tax legislation, it would “help the natives to overcome their idleness, it would teach them the value of work and would give them an opportunity to do something in return for the wise rule of the Europeans.”
John Maynard Keynes put it simply but memorably: “We destroy the beauty of the countryside because the unappropriated splendours of nature have no economic value.”
The constant interaction on markets and the need to sell and consume increasingly define us. Even the time we spend sleeping is diminishing. In Switzerland, the average time that people spent sleeping decreased by a full forty minutes between 1983 and 2011.